Air Force Association 2003 Statement of Policy
adopted by the delegates to the AFA National Convention
on September 15, 2002, in Washington, D.C.
Our world has changed.
Terrorist attacks have shown the
vulnerability of the American homeland, with the
prospect of even worse attacks to come. The security of
the United States is at risk.
The war on terror is not optional for the
United States. We have no choice but to fight. We have
been targeted by a fanatic terrorist network committed
to killing Americans and destroying our way of life.
Either we get them or they get us.
Essentially, terrorism is not a law
enforcement problem, nor is it a sociological
misunderstanding. It is a life-or-death issue of
national security.
We cannot protect the homeland by
defensive measures alone. It is not possible to be on
guard everywhere all the time. We must take the war to
the enemy's homeland, training camps, and sanctuaries.
To the extent possible, we want to fight over there, not
over here.
We agree fully with the policy that any
nation harboring or supporting terrorists or terrorism
will be regarded as a hostile regime and that we will
hold open the option for pre-emptive action if that is
necessary in order to forestall destructive acts against
us.
Global power projection forces in air and
space will have a prominent role in these endeavors,
building on the lead they have taken in the conflicts of
recent years.
This war comes in addition to, not instead
of, previous national security requirements. We face a
range of dangers, from terror attacks at home and abroad
to the ever-present possibility of major theater
conflict, as well as emerging challenges in space and
cyberspace. We also face a range of potential
adversaries, from nation states to transnational
organizations and networks.
When the terrorists struck, US armed
forces were already employed elsewhere in operations and
deployments that kept them four times busier than they
were during the Cold War, although the force is a third
smaller and the budgets are less. These requirements
have not gone away.
We must sustain the war on terror and at
the same time restore the vitality of the armed forces,
worn thin by a decade of neglect, and transform the
services to prepare them for the demands of the future.
Transformation will focus on fast
response, long reach, precision attack, and a high order
of intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance. These
capabilities are the hallmarks of air and space forces.
Aerospace power is the primary military
tool allowing us to scale up and down from small
operations to major theater conflicts and to respond
with agility to all of the obligations in between. Only
with adequate air and space power can we handle new,
unforeseen operations rapidly and successfully.
The War on Terror
The Air Force Association, along with the nation,
appreciates and salutes all of the armed forces for
their service in the war on terror, and we are
especially proud of the Air Force.
Within minutes of the terrorist
hijackings, the Air Force had established combat air
patrols across America. Since then, Air Force components
have flown most of the subsequent air defense sorties in
Operation Noble Eagle, with the Air National Guard and
the Air Force Reserve Command flying 80 percent of the
total missions.
To project power against the terrorist
strongholds, the nation called first on its forces in
air and space. In Operation Enduring Freedom in
Afghanistan, Air Force bombers, fighters, and gunships
delivered a majority of the ordnance and accounted for
more than half of the targets.
Air Force tankers made the strike missions
possible for aircraft from all of the services, and
everything that went into Afghanistan went by airlift.
Special operations forces added enormously to the
effectiveness and accuracy of the strikes. Air Force
spacecraft, aircraft, and unmanned aerial vehicles wrote
a dramatic new chapter in the level of intelligence,
surveillance, and reconnaissance.
Afghanistan demonstrated again that there
is no place on Earth that cannot be touched within hours
by American air and space power.
However, it would be a mistake to regard
the operations there as a template for all conflicts of
the future. In Afghanistan, for example, the enemy's
lack of modern air defenses made it possible for older
aircraft to operate freely. We must regard this as an
exceptional situation.
Combat under primitive conditions presents
its own set of difficulties, but most wars of the
future–in both the short term and the long termwill
require far more advanced military capabilities.
We give credence at our peril to those who
argue that 50-year-old bombers and 30-year-old fighters
will be sufficient to our need in the conflicts to come.
Defense Strategy and Aerospace Power
The Quadrennial Defense Review adopted a new basis for
national defense strategy and a new standard for sizing
the armed forces.
Henceforth, the strategy will be
"capabilities-based" rather than "threat-based,"
focusing on how an adversary might fight instead of on
who the adversary might be and when or where the war
might occur.
Accordingly, planners will concentrate on
the growing array of capabilities that adversaries might
possess or could develop as well as determining the
capabilities we will need ourselves.
The old force-sizing standard, which
envisioned a force that would be able to fight two
regional conflicts simultaneously, has been set aside.
The new standard prescribes a force that
can defend the homeland, deter aggression forward in
four critical theaters, and swiftly defeat aggressors in
any two theaters at the same time.
The option is preserved for one massive
counteroffensive to occupy an aggressor's capital or to
replace its regime, but the Department of Defense will
now maintain one occupation force instead of two.
T
he Air Force Association concurs with
these changes. It is sound strategy to prepare broadly
for a range of threats that cannot always be specified
exactly in advance.
These changes confirm and continue the
trend in which air and space forces carry a heavier
share of the burden in the nation's wars. The new
strategy and force-sizing standard point to an increase,
not a decrease, in aerospace power.
The strategy relies fundamentally on
long-range precision strike, global situational
awareness, and mobility. Major operations will be led by
stealthy aircraft and advanced electronic and
information technology to overcome anti-access barriers
and "kick down the door" to permit entry by follow-on
forces, including surface forces and air forces that
will sustain the attack and operate in other roles.
Recapitalization, Modernization, and
Transformation
When the war on terror began, the services were already
struggling to recover from the accumulated neglect of
the 1990s, when force levels and defense budgets were
cut repeatedly, modernization was postponed, programs
were stretched out and underfunded, and capital
equipment was not replaced as it wore out. Spare parts
and munitions were in short supply.
Aging facilities and infrastructure were dilapidated and
deteriorating. The aircraft fleet was concurrently
getting older, less reliable, and more expensive to
maintain. Our margin of advantage in military technology
had begun to narrow.
On top of this accumulated backlog in recapitalization
and modernization, the decision was made to "transform"
the armed forces to better meet the needs of the future.
It was also clear that transformation was essential in
addition to, not instead of, the imperatives to
recapitalize and modernize the force.
The problem has become far more difficult, now that we
are in the midst of the war on terror with the attendant
requirements for forces and resources.
Although improvements are desirable in all elements and
aspects of the force, it is inevitable that
transformation must emphasize air and space forces. The
capabilities most critical to transformation are global
awareness, long-range precision strike, and control of
air and space. Mobility is the fundamental enabler.
For the Air Force, transforming to implement the
national defense strategy will lead to a portfolio of
capabilities–integrating air and space assets, manned
and unmanned aircraft, new systems along with older
ones–which may be used in new ways or to support
innovative concepts of operation.
Resources for Defense
The pending increase in the defense budget is
substantial, but a large portion of it goes for the war
on terror and other current expenses and to keeping the
force from sliding any deeper into the hole. It is not
sufficient to overcome the "procurement holiday" of the
1990s or to pay for transformation.
It is often suggested that the defense budget deficit
can be made up by cutting forces and programs and by
shifting money from one military account to another.
That is the kind of thinking that caused the problem in
the first place. Some economies and reallocations are
always possible, but basically, it is not a matter of
the program being too large–it is that the budget is too
small to balance tasking with resources.
We believe that the nation can and must commit four
percent of its Gross Domestic Product to defense. By
historical standards, that would be a moderate burden.
For 50 years prior to 1995, the United States regularly
allotted more than four percent of GDP to national
defense.
Force Structure and Strength
It should be obvious now that the force has been cut too
much, both in force structure and in numbers of people.
At the end of the Cold War, the Air Force pulled back
from most of its overseas bases, lost a third of its
personnel strength, and disbanded units of every kind,
from major commands to fighter and attack wings.
Contrary to the popular expectation, though, the
nation's use of military forces increased rather than
decreased. The drawn-down force was soon responding to
one contingency after another and covering "temporary"
operations abroad that went on for years. With
infrastructure limited in remote locations, deployments
typically had to include logistics and combat support
elements as well as fighting elements.
To cope with surging operations tempo and personnel
tempo, the Air Force reconfigured its combat
capabilities into 10 "buckets of capability" called
Aerospace Expeditionary Forces, or AEFs. This imposed
some order and predictability, but the force structure
was still too thin and there were still too few people.
There are not enough resources to fill out all 10 AEFs .
The Department of Defense recognizes a
"Low-Density/High-Demand" problem. This refers to such
systems as the Airborne Warning and Control System and
Joint STARS, which were not bought in sufficient
quantities and which are now tasked at maximum levels.
In addition, some of the AEFs are without some basic
organic elements. For example, only three of them have
precision standoff strike capability.
Even before the war on terror, expeditionary demands
were taxing the reduced personnel strength. The Air
Force has no units or forces assigned or held aside for
AEF duty only. Forces to meet that requirement are drawn
from the normal complement of active, Guard, and Reserve
units. Relentless deployments often leave home bases
shorthanded, especially in mission support areas.
The Air Force met strength requirements for Operations
Noble Eagle and Enduring Freedom by a mobilization of
reserve components and by "Stop-Loss" actions that
prevented people from leaving service at the end of
their normal commitments.
Unfortunately, the need for an increase in personnel
strength is cast into competition with other defense
priorities and presumed fiscal constraints. Talk
continues about alternative solutions, such as internal
force realignments, reduced commitments overseas,
outsourcing of functions, and base closures.
The Air Force Association believes it is time to
recognize the problem and deal with it: We need 10 AEFs,
fully fleshed out, with the requisite increases in
personnel strength.
Investing for the Future
The war on terror and conflicts of the near future will
be fought with the weapons and forces we have now.
Transformation will develop capabilities for use by
later generations, just as investments made in the 1970s
and 1980s provided the weapons that won the conflicts of
the past 10 years.
The system that will typify the asymmetric US advantage
in the decades ahead is the Air Force's F-22. Its
combination of speed, stealth, advanced avionics, and
operating altitude will allow it to penetrate and
survive in airspace deadly to any other aircraft. It
will perform multiple missions, including air
superiority, deep strike, and suppression of enemy air
defenses.
The F-22 is under attack by people who want to kill or
curtail it. The arguments against it are the same
misguided ones made in the past by people who wanted to
kill or curtail the F-15, AWACS, and the B-2, all of
which went on to demonstrate their immense value to the
nation.
We believe the F-22 program is critical to national
defense and to transformation and that the fleet should
be sufficient to allot two squadrons to each AEF. If the
program is held below that level, we will create yet
another Low-Density/High-Demand system.
The F-35 Joint Strike Fighter is a natural partner with
the F-22 and will be available in larger numbers to fly
the bulk of attack missions if a conflict persists. It
is urgently needed to replace F-16 fighters, which have
been flown more than anticipated and are now wearing out
ahead of schedule.
We have urged repeatedly that the Air Force accelerate
its timetable for fielding of a new long-range strike
system. Recent events have demonstrated again the worth
of weapon systems that can strike from afar. In the
meantime, existing bombers should be upgraded and
improved munitions developed.
The strategic airlift issue is an object lesson in
defense investment. The C-17 airlifter program was set
originally at 220 aircraft but then was cut radically
for budget reasons. Operational realities are now
returning us by increments toward the original number,
but instability from churning the program has added
billions to the cost. We should learn from this
mistake-in this program and in others--and this time,
buy enough.
Aerial refueling is the lifeblood of global reach and
power projection by all of the armed forces. Our tankers
are wearing out. Replacement is critical and it will not
wait. We should get on with it. Now.
One of the major trends shaping the future is that
numerous missions, especially in intelligence,
surveillance, and reconnaissance, will migrate to space.
Some of the desired capabilities are not yet within easy
reach, but it is essential that we maintain the emphasis
and the investment. It is through systems in space that
we will ultimately move from local and regional
perspectives to one that is truly global, taking in
great sweeps of geography at a single glance.
Unmanned Aerial Vehicles, which performed so
spectacularly in Afghanistan, represent another wave of
the future. They will soon move beyond reconnaissance
roles and take on other missions, including attack of
targets in areas where manned aircraft could not
survive. We applaud the Air Force on its wisdom in
nurturing UAV technologies thus far and we look forward
to the emergence of even more impressive results from
transformation initiatives.
People
In time of war, the public sees and honors the service
rendered by men and women in uniform. Such recognition,
occurring again during the present crisis, reinforces
the bonds of mutual trust and respect between the armed
forces and the nation.
Military people got a further signal about the value and
importance of their service with the passage of the
largest pay raise in 20 years and measures to reduce
out-of-pocket expenses.
The environment of recurring expeditionary deployments
and intense personnel tempo requires more emphasis on
family support, including child care, the effective
delivery of health care, and spouse employment
initiatives.
Of particular concern is the condition of facilities in
which our military people live and work. The condition
of housing at many bases for both families and single
members is a disgrace, and it is not uncommon that
working conditions are better in temporary deployment
locations than they are at home bases.
The Air Force Association supports further measures to
improve the quality of life for military members and
their families and to make the armed forces a desirable
and rewarding career.
Total Force
As demonstrated in Operations Noble Eagle and Enduring
Freedom, the Air Force could not go to war without the
Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve Command.
Additionally, the Air Force would be severely hampered
in conducting peacetime operations without its reserve
components.
The Guard and Reserve currently provide 25 percent of
the aviation and almost 30 percent of the combat support
elements for steady state, peacetime deployments of the
Aerospace Expeditionary Forces.
They also provide more than 65 percent of the Air
Force's tactical airlift capability, 35 percent of the
strategic airlift, 60 percent of the air refueling, 38
percent of the fighters, and make significant
contributions to rescue, bomber, and combat support
missions.
We support the Air Force's initiative, called Future
Total Force, that will further capitalize on the caliber
of these components in blended units that will integrate
active duty, Guard, Reserve, and civilian members for
greater effectiveness and flexibility.
The Air Force Association expresses its appreciation for
the support of the employers of Guard and Reserve
members. Without their cooperation, the strength of the
Total Force would not be possible.
The civil service component of the Total Force needs
special care and attention. Over the next five years,
more than 40 percent of the career workforce will become
eligible for retirement. Force reductions have already
created problems with the skill mix. We support the
Civilian Workforce Shaping initiative, which attempts to
rebuild the civilian force in the right way. We applaud
the integration of the military and civilian Air Force
teams, which has added increased synergy to the force.
Areas of Specific Concern
- Transformation and US leadership in military
technology are obviously dependent on a strong science
and technology effort. However, the Department of
Defense has not been able to meet its own goal of
allocating three percent of its overall budget to S&T.
In the Air Force, the spending level is below the
historical average. Furthermore, where the Air Force led
all of the services in S&T spending for more than 30
years, it now trails both the Army and the Navy in that
regard. We believe the priority on S&T should be higher.
- The Department of Defense has designated the Air Force
as its executive agent for space. The logical and
desirable next step is to amend Title 10 of the US Code,
as proposed by the congressionally chartered Space
Commission, to assign the Air Force the responsibility
to organize, train, and equip forces for space
operations as well as for air operations.
- The Nuclear Posture Review has found that two-thirds
of our nuclear warheads can be taken out of operational
service by 2012. We regard this as a rock-bottom
position. The nuclear threat is persistent, and we must
maintain enough countervailing power for a credible
deterrent.
- We are vulnerable to attack by ballistic missiles of
both intercontinental and theater range. We must pursue
a comprehensive defense against these weapons, exploring
directed energy solutions and other approaches. Contrary
to proposals often heard, ballistic missile defense
should not be funded at the expense of other defense
programs. The defense budget must be large enough to
cover all major national security requirements, of which
this is one.
- Without an industrial base, the armed
forces cannot be sustained, much less modernized or
transformed. However, the defense industrial base today
is characterized by consolidation and shrinkage as the
Department of Defense reduces programs and production.
We cannot bring back the "Arsenal of Democracy" that
once existed, but we can and must reinforce the
remaining industrial base by wise acquisition
strategies, fair contracting and business practices, and
a climate in which a mutually beneficial partnership can
thrive.
The Air Force's industrial base includes not only firms
in the private sector but also the air logistics
centers. To preserve a ready and controlled source of
depot maintenance, we must strike a careful balance
between the maintenance and repair workload that is
contracted out and the portion performed by the air
logistics centers.
Global Vigilance, Reach, and Power
Although air and space power will be the dominant
elements in most conflicts, we do not believe in single
dimension strategies. Surface forces will continue to be
important, and we will need a combination of land, sea,
and air capabilities.
We cannot know where the next crisis will occur. It may
be a variation on previous terror operations, an attack
on our vital national infrastructures, an outbreak of
chemical, biological, radiological, nuclear, or enhanced
high explosive weapons, or a regional conflict with the
requirement to halt and deal with an invasion force.
The nation makes a critical mistake if it fails to put
sufficient emphasis on air and space forces. They
uniquely define the military strength of the United
States. They are the hardest-hitting, longest-reaching,
and most flexible forces that we possess. They offer our
best hope of transformational gain.
Operations Noble Eagle and Enduring Freedom were only
the first rounds in a long and difficult conflict, but
there is an excellent chance of winning the military
part of the war on terrorism if the nation will stay the
course and sustain the effort.
Whatever comes, the guiding military objective will be
to find, fix, track, target, engage, and assess anything
of consequence that moves on the surface of the Earth.
This capability applies not only to the war on terrorism
but also to whatever lies beyond.
In the 21st century, the United States will rely even
more than it has in the past on its forces in air and
space for global vigilance, global reach, and global
power.
The foundations of the force are its people and its
values. AFA has adopted the Air Force's core values,
which are manifest in the actions of its members.
- Integrity first.
- Service before self.
- Excellence in all that we do.
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