Los Angeles - October 18, 1996
The Honorable Rudy de Leon
Under Secretary of the Air Force
Next year is the 50th anniversary of the Air Force and they've been
an important 50 years. But now we are looking toward the next 50 years.
That is what I'd like to talk about it, the Air Force for the 21st
century. You've heard about it in many different forums already this
morning.
This is a unique time for the Air Force. It is a time when there is
great emphasis on the use of air power. The tactical campaign against
Bosnia helped produce the Dayton Accord. Obviously, the no-fly zone is
very important -- Southern Watch. These air campaigns have really
allowed the Air Force to perfect many capabilities: the use of stealth,
how to suppress enemy air defenses, the use of airborne reconnaissance
and communications platforms such as Rivet Joint, JSTARS, AWACS, and the
U-2. We set up a center like the CAOC [Combined Air Operations Center]
that I visited in early August in Vicenza [Italy], where we are
monitoring a total air package. We could sit there talking with
Lieutenant General Sir Michael Walker in the morning about his missions
and how would send a British land force into the field that afternoon.
The Predator [unmanned aerial vehicle] was tracking the Brits as they
were preparing to enter a Bosnian Serb arms cache. We could watch them
on live TV in the CAOC while the commander of the joint air operation
was able to generate sorties as necessary to remind the Bosnia Serbs
that we were watching in great detail. This is a time where the air
campaign, the air expeditionary force, is truly coming into its own. It
is part of this new era, a preview of the 21st century.
At the same time, as we deploy the Air Expeditionary Force, without
the Army, its traditional support element in terms of security on the
land, we know that the mission is changing. We learn this every day, but
most specifically at Khobar Towers where it is not only important for
the AEF to perform its mission in terms of its air campaign, but also it
is exceedingly critical that we move forward with this mission that we
now call "Force Protection."
In 1983, with the Beirut bombing, the lesson was, you had to focus on
your perimeter security and on keeping the bad people out. With the
release of the Downing Report concerning the Khobar Towers bombing, the
message to an Air Force that is increasingly deploying without ground
support is that our security police providing force protection have to
increasingly focus not only on inside the perimeter, not only on the
security of the flight line or the security of the fence, or the
security of the water and food supplies, but also outside the fence and
outside the base.
These are previews of the 21st century and how air assets are going
to be deployed. The world has changed. It is a great credit to General
Fogleman that the Air Force and that the planning at CORONA last week is
looking long range into the future.
We have a new generation of Air Force leaders who are on the job.
You've heard a lot of them this morning, but in addition, you've got Joe
Ralston, vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs, Lt. Gen. Dave McCloud, in
J-8, a critical job on the Joint Staff for force structure and Lt. Gen.
Richard B. Meyers, assistant to the chairman of the Joint Chiefs. That
job is the bridge between the JCS and the State Department -- between
the military and the diplomatic side of the equation. Lt. Gen. John
Gordon is assistant to the director of Central Intelligence, making sure
that Intel products get into the field and are readily available to the
warfighter. Generals Walt Kross and Hal Estes are our unified CINCs. Lt.
Gen. Les Lyles, formerly at the Space and Missile Systems Center, is now
head of the Ballistic Missile Defense Organization.
This team, headed on the uniform side by General Fogleman, on the
civilian side by Dr. Widnall, is part of a very energetic and
resourceful group that is working hard to get the Air Force ready for
the future. They are the right people for the 21st century. That is the
first point I'd like to leave you with, that we have the right people,
the right team in place today.
Second, particularly for those younger members in uniform who are
going to be the three and four stars in the 21st century, we also have
the right modernization program. We are looking forward to the future.
This is a time of getting smaller, getting leaner. That is what I
told the folks during my visit with The Aerospace Corporation this
morning: the organization that survives in the future is the
organization that is lean and efficient. We've focused on acquisition
reform, on getting leaner, on reducing regulation. Faster, better and
cheaper are the three themes that Darlene Druyun accents. The work of
Art Money and Lt. Gen. George Muellner in the acquisition world on
acquisition reform sets the stage for our modernization program.
We have, after many years of struggling, solved the airlift problem.
There is a multi-year contract for the C-17 that was signed earlier this
year. The process of making that better-faster-cheaper to get the cost
down and the performance up -- the DAB [Defense Acquisition Board]
process -- saved us $4 billion in terms of greater efficiencies. The
multi-year contract came along later and saved another billion. That is
$5 billion that can be applied elsewhere towards Air Force
modernization.
The fighter of the future, the F-22, is on schedule. We had some
issues with weight, but that has been carefully scrutinized. We are
moving toward the first flight in the spring. If you asked me the
biggest issue facing us now on the F-22, it is to make it affordable. It
is to scrub costs out of the F-22 program just as we did on the C-17.
That is why we've established the Joint Estimate Process. As we look at
dollars going into the program, we are no longer simply scrubbing the
budget submission for Fiscal Year 1998. Instead, we are going to look at
the EMD [Engineering and Manufacturing Design] program from now to
completion to see what costs we can scrub out. We also look at
production to see what kind of efficiencies we can find so we can use
the same cost estimating process that proved so successful in finding
that $5 billion of savings in the C-17 and apply that to the F-22. We
met with Norm Augustine and the Lockheed team two weeks ago to start
this process.
We have developed with the F-22 an engineering marvel: low
observability, propulsion system that will cruise in excess of the speed
of sound. Now our challenges is to get the F-22 affordable and into the
field.
In mid-November, the Joint Strike Fighter will face a down select
from three to two contractors. We will finally work a joint program
between the Air Force, Marine Corps and Navy. Not that the three
services will use identical aircraft, but instead they will draw among
the common efficiencies of each -- common propulsion, common avionics,
and common software -- to reduce the costs for each and to get the next
generation system into the field.
For JSTARS, our acquisition people were so flexible and our
operational people so capable that we were able to take a developmental
aircraft, deploy it in Desert Storm, bring it home, perfect it further
and deploy it into the Bosnian theater to change the way the ground
component commanders think about peace keeping mission. General Nash,
the American commander, operating out of Tuzla, was able to go to his
Bosnian Serb counterpart and say, without putting the soldier in harm's
way at night, "I can see every move that you make. I can see every
truck that passes over the bridge and I know when you are being honest
with me about how you have your forces deployed." Again, the
combination of technology and of the Air Expeditionary Force work well.
JSTARS is on track.
For the EELV, the next generation of expendable launch vehicle,
source selection is coming up early next year. It will reduce the per
pound cost of putting satellites into space, something that is critical
for the Air Force as it continues its space superiority mission to go
along with its air superiority mission.
If my first point was that we have the right leadership in place to
guide us into the 21st century, my second point is that we have the
right modernization program for the 21st century. We have the right mix
of technology and systems that will assure us superiority in air and
space in the future. These things are particularly important because in
just a few weeks, the Department of Defense is going to start something
that is, in short hand, referred to as the QDR, the Quadrennial Defense
Review. It will look at our priorities in defense policies for the next
four years impact future budgets and set the stage for the 21st century.
Since the break up of the Soviet Union, we've had two major planning
changes in how we think about our military forces. The first was the
Base Force, which looked at a Soviet Union divorced from the Warsaw
Pact, that reduced the threat of a conventional war in Europe. The base
force was the bridge between the Cold War and the break up of the Warsaw
Pact.
The Bottom-Up Review was the force structure that moved us forward
and that was consistent with the break up of the Soviet Union into a
group of independent republics with different kinds of security issues.
The premise of the Bottom- Up Review was that we needed to have forces
sufficient to deal with two simultaneous major regional contingencies.
As we start this Quadrennial Defense Review, we're going to further
fine-tune that notion of the two MRCs to look at additional issues in
terms of how do we do these very complicated peace keeping/peace
enforcement missions like Bosnia.
How do we deploy people TDY overseas and have a sufficient rotation
base so we can not break the force, so that when we deploy for 90 days
or 180 days we can bring them home and not worry about deploying them
again. These are the start of the key issues on how the Quadrennial
Defense Review will differ and expand upon the thinking that went into
the Bottom-Up Review.
The QDR is going to be very important because Base Force and the
Bottom-Up Review were transitional policies. We've gone through
transitional periods before in our history. Right after World War II,
there were lots of things that occurred, but it was probably a five to
seven year period between the end of World War II and the start of the
policy of containment, which after 40 years, proved to be a very
successful policy because it saw our principle adversary break apart at
the seams. But when they sat down in 1945, some of their assumptions
about the future proved to be different from the assumptions that were
there in 1950 and 1952.
What were the assumptions? That the British would remain a pivotal
world power. That turned out not to be true. The other assumption was
that the United Nations would turn out to be a big player
internationally. That turned out to be incorrect. It turned out that the
world war divided into a free world led by the United States, and the
NATO alliance and a Soviet world and a Warsaw Pact. At the time, there
was a view that nuclear weapons were simply larger conventional
munitions. The period of 1945 to the break up of the Soviet Union in
December 1990 was dominated by this doctrine of containment and
deterrence where two nuclear powers in relative balance kept the world
much more stable than would have ever been envisioned.
Now that is broken apart. The West was able to prevail, and the
Communist world broke apart, creating a whole host of issues of how
should we organize our defense forces. Two regional contingencies is the
starting point, but the Quadrennial Defense Review will build upon that
greatly.
Under Goldwater-Nichols, the 1986 change, many authorities and
responsibilities now rest with the chairman and the Joint Staff. Joint
Warfare Capability Assessments are turning out to be key components of
defining military requirements in the future. As we get ready for the
QDR, this JWCA process, under Joint Staff responsibility, is organized
packages that are going to be critical when the formal QDR deliberations
begin.
For almost a year, there have been groups determining the proper
force structure for deep strike. Others have been looking at maritime,
air and space superiority, and how to handle this mission of presence.
Conventional deterrence, traditionally thought of: "Where are we
going to move the carrier to?" Now it is being shown to be more
flexible to include, "Where are we going to deploy the Air
Expeditionary Force?" Last month, we had a real test when we took
the F-117 forces at Holliman Air Force Base [N.M.] and moved them in
less than a weekend's time to Kuwait.
Another group is looking at strategic mobility, air and sealift.
Still others are looking at Intel surveillance, reconnaissance plus
command and control and the key area for the future, information
warfare. In 20 years, when all of our successors meet here at this
convention they will probably find the discussion as dominated by
information warfare as the discussions have been dominated by tactical
air and air superiority over the last several years because the world is
changing and the technology in the world is changing.
Combating terrorism, and force protection are other issues. The Air
Expeditionary Force can put bombs on target in Southern Iraq with great
precision. You can't take our Air Force on in the sky. The challenge is
to make sure that when we are home based at a location, particularly
overseas, that the perimeter is secure and we know the threats that are
out there against our force.
What was once the strategic mission of nuclear weapons is now really
focused on how to deter and how to counter the proliferation of weapons
of mass destruction. In one sense, this period of deterrence, of
Superpower balance turns out to be more stable than the potential of the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction.
One of the things all of us should know is that Saddam Hussein is not
a rational actor. He puts his force in harms way and is ready to lose
his force for questionable means at any times. That is far different
from the period when our military debate was dominated by our own
command and control process on one hand and the knowledge that even if
we had huge ideological differences, there was a rational actor on the
other side that was not willing to sacrifice his country. All of this is
changing as we deal with potential proliferation of weapons of mass
destruction.
Finally, how do we deal with joint readiness? We fight as joint
units. The deployment to Haiti occurred under the leadership of U.S.
Atlantic Command, but with tremendous input from Air Combat Command. It
was a seamless operation. How we keep the force ready in a joint way is
yet another challenge. All of these things will be the focal point in
the Quadrennial Defense Review when it transitions from the Joint Staff
to the Secretary of Defense on November 15.
Here are just a final few comments. John White, Deputy Secretary of
Defense, spoke to the Defense Science Board earlier this month and
outlined what he thought were the four key issues for the Quadrennial
Defense Review. Let me quote him because I think he will chair this
Review. These are four points that all of us who deal with national
security and some form of Defense will be engaged in.
He said, we must take a fresh look at the full spectrum of plausible
military operations and associated capabilities given world conditions.
We need to include a wider set of potential scenarios. One of the
criticisms of the Bottom-Up Review was that it had placed too much
emphasis on maintaining the force necessary to fight major regional
conflicts nearly simultaneously and too little emphasis on the
day-to-day demands of overseas presence and smaller scale contingencies.
The second theme of QDR, one that underlies everything, is resources.
What resources will be available to pay for the forces that will execute
our strategy? DoD's plans call for a 40 percent increase in funding to
modernize our forces over the next five years. Is that enough? How can
our funding goals for modernization be assured, particularly in light of
our continued emphasis on readiness and quality of life? Should we
reexamine our priorities. That is question two. How do we spend$1.7
trillion in the five-year Defense plan as it exists right now?
A third theme of the QDR relates to the revolution in military
affairs. We are already doing a lot, but we need to do more to
incorporate technological changes in doctrine, tactics and force
structure. How do we address the implications of changed capabilities?
This was a question that will be an important legacy of Admiral Bill
Owens, the previous vice chairman of the Joint Chiefs. It shows how our
thinking has to change because of market place realities.
If we wanted to see the state of the art in command, control and
communications a decade ago, we probably would have gone to NORAD, where
we were tracking every object in space and had a system to essentially
communicate with military forces around the world. If you want to go and
look at the model of command and control today, you go to CNN
headquarters in Atlanta, Georgia, where they are receiving input via
very sophisticated satellite network from correspondents around the
world on a real-time basis at the same time they are sending out to
areas around the world 10 different networks of programming. It is a
tremendous capability that they have, one that the military needs to
look at and learn from. This is the heart of one of the more interesting
aspects of what General Casciano and General Fairfield are doing.
The fourth theme of the QDR relates to making fundamental
institutional changes to the Department of Defense. The QDR will be
about a lot more than strategy, force structure and modernization
programs. It must examine major changes in the way we do our business.
Like other institutions in society, DoD has already begun to change.
We've reduced our work force and cut our overhead by closing bases. In
fact, one of the tasks that Secretary Perry gave to each service was to
make sure that we drew down our civilian force structure proportionate
to the military force structure in the Bottom-Up Review. We've reduced
our work force and cut our overhead by closing bases.
We are overhauling the defense acquisition system so we buy more
commercial products because commercial products, commercial R&D, is
out pacing military R&D. We have begun to outsource to the private
sector and privatize portions of our civilian activities, but we need to
do a great deal more. We are also looking at efficiencies through
privatization. As I said, the organization that is successful in the
future is the organization that can get leaner and more efficient so the
dollars can go into military modernization, quality of life for military
personnel and to maintain our current force structure.
There are three points I want to leave you with. First is that we
have the right team to lead us into the 21st century. I give tremendous
credit to General Fogleman for the long-range planning effort, which I
think is unique to the Air Force. We have the right people for this
incredibly big job. Second, we have the right modernization program for
the 21st century. We are on track and it is pointing out that
acquisition reform is working. Third, we are framing the right questions
as we no longer transition from a world that was threatened by a Soviet
Empire, but instead, into a time when we are dealing with much more
complicated threats. We must respond to them, and they are important to
the role that we play internationally in leading the free world and
ensuring that democracy remains the dominant form of government for the
21st century.
I appreciate this chance to be here before the Air Force Association
today. On behalf of Air Force Secretary Sheila Widnall, I appreciate the
chance to speak to you. I hope that you will use this opportunity to ask
your hardest and most demanding questions because this is a chance for
me to know what you think. We live in a very interesting time. The world
is reinventing itself and the Air Force for the 21st century is going to
be one that we will all be very proud of.
GEN. SHAUD: With all the linkages that we have,
one that is most important is with our congressional representatives on
the Hill. How are we doing? How is the credibility of the U.S. Air Force
on the Hill?
MR. DE LEON: I think that the credibility of the Air
Force is the highest that it has ever been. That is credit to lots of
people. There is the old cliche that victory knows a thousand fathers
and defeat is an orphan. I think we have a lot of successes out there.
It starts with Dr. Widnall and the Chief, where the core value is
integrity. You have to back up what you say. That has become the
hallmark of the Air Force on Capitol Hill. We are not afraid to take a
punch if we fail. That is important. You can only lose your credibility
if you give it up, and you don't get a second chance at it.
The Air Force is doing very well with the Congress and with the
public at large.
QUESTION: Could you please discuss forward
deployed units?
MR. DE LEON: That is a very good question. It used
to be that on the diplomatic side you could sidestep many of the issues
of having military units in a friendly country by calling in a carrier
and having that carrier off shore. With the Air Expeditionary Force,
we've found that our allies will invite us in. That it is a different
dynamic to invite in an Air Force whose mission is essentially in the
sky with air superiority and strike, rather than the sensitivities with
a ground component whose mission may be occupation. In these last four
years, the Air Force has shown it can do the presence mission as well as
can the sea-based component. We can generate more sorties, and we are
more efficient.
The challenge now is the issue of force protection. We will probably
not have the land component dealing with security outside the perimeter,
therefore, wing commanders have to worry more about the protection of
people at their bases. That is one of the reasons for Secretary Perry's
initiative to relocate the U.S. Air Force out of Daharan and into Al
Karhage, where we had much greater flexibility in the security outside
the fence.
We have seen places where the Air Expeditionary Force will be invited
in and that it confirms that the Air Force is very capable and adept at
doing this mission of presence.
QUESTION: What is the Air Force doing in the
area of missile defense?
MR. DE LEON: There is a substantial effort going
into theater area defense and then missile defense more broadly. There
are parallels between ballistic missile defense and theater area defense
in terms of command and control and tracking. A cruise missile is
different. It is an airborne threat. The first challenge is to set up a
joint program, and Lt. Gen. Les Lyles now heads the Ballistic Missile
Defense Office. There is a charter from the Congress that he has
responsibility for all the programs -- in essence missile defense
becomes a joint area. There is some resistance elsewhere because
Huntsville has traditionally viewed itself as responsible for missile
defense.
This is one of the major areas that we need to concentrate on because
missile defense is very much part of how to deal with and how to counter
the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction if they reach a rogue
party. But this is an area I know that is a key focus of both the Air
Force and General Lyles in his capacity at the BMD office. It is also a
key concern of the Joint Staff and another legacies of Admiral Owens.
If we are going to be serious about deploying a missile defense
system, then we can't afford to have three parallel programs, we've got
to decide the basic architecture and then spend the dollars. One Air
Force contribution to this process, among many, is the Minuteman Homing
proposal. The airborne laser is another. The priority is to solve the
theater defense problem first because our troops are more likely to be
vulnerable to a Scud or a Silkworm than they are from a ballistic
missile aimed against CONUS. The focus has been to put missile defense
emphasis in the theater. This is a major focus that will be a key part
of our defense for the 21st century. If the Air Force is asked to
provide its part, we are ready with the Minuteman option, with the
airborne laser option and others.
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