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| July 2000 Vol. 83, No. 7 |
The Air Force arrived in Saudi Arabia in 1990. Who thought
it would still be there 10 years later? |
The Long Deployment
By James Kitfield
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Storm damage. In the Gulf War, a coalition
smart bomb punched out this bunker used by
Iraqi forces occupying Kuwait. Nearly a decade
later USAF forces use it as a storage site
for C-130 aircraft parts. (USAF photo by
MSgt. Val Gempis) |
They have become the unmistakable signs that Saddam
Hussein is about to rattle the West's cage once again,
and they can be as subtle as the silent flicker of
a distant surface-to-air missile launch or as startling
as the scream of an F-16 fighter's threat warning system.
On May 2--a day like any other in the no-fly zone
over southern Iraq--Air Force pilots saw plenty of
these signs. With no warning, Iraqi air defense batteries
launched their deadly missiles and opened up with anti-aircraft
fire directed at the patrolling Western aircraft. In
response, a coalition strike package led by USAF F-16s
pounded the offending Iraqi sites with precision weapons.
Then, their work done, all aircraft returned safely
to base.
May 2 was just another duty day in the Persian Gulf-Day
3,556, to be precise. Southern Watch began officially
on Aug. 26, 1992, but USAF units by then had already
been operating in the Gulf for some two years. Southern
Watch was the successor to Desert Shield, Desert Storm,
and Desert Calm, the aftermath of the war that had
been fought in response to Saddam Hussein's 1990 invasion
of Kuwait. The first USAF contingent arrived in Saudi
Arabia on Aug. 8, 1990--10 years ago next month.
To the surprise of almost everyone, what was supposed
to have been a brief stay in a harsh land has turned
into one of the longest and most difficult deployments
in Air Force history.
The mission increasingly resembles a low-level war
with no end in sight. Air Force pilots-along with coalition
partners-have flown more than 200,000 sorties as part
of Southern Watch. That number exceeds the total flown
during Desert Storm (though the latter took place under
far more hazardous circumstances). In the past year,
Central Command Air Forces has supplied 35 percent
of the total air assets but has flown 68 percent of
the total sorties.
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Southern Watch Mission
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4
To plan and, if directed, conduct air campaign
against Iraqi targets as a means of compelling
Iraq to comply with UN Security Council Resolution
687, which calls for UN inspections of Iraqi
weapons-making potential.
4
To enforce the no-fly zone south of 33 degrees
north in Iraq, in support of UNSCR 688, demanding
Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein end his suppression
of the Iraqi civilian population.
4
To
enforce a no-drive zone south of 32 degrees
north in Iraq in support of UNSCR 949 to prevent
enhancement of Iraqi military capabilities
in southern Iraq. |
Out of Mind
Meanwhile, combat engagements between Iraqi air defense
units and US and allied aircraft have become so routine
that they rarely rate a mention anymore in major US
newspapers.
Since December 1998, coalition pilots in the southern
zone have endured about 500 such provocations from
Iraq's air defense units. Central Command, which manages
Southern Watch, reports that, in the same period, Iraqi
aircraft violated restrictions of the southern no-fly
zone more than 150 times, often in attempts to lure
allied aircraft into "SAM-bushes" further
north.
"It is kind of a surreal mission, because a lot
of people back home don't seem to be aware of what
we're doing," remarked a USAF officer with a hand
in Southern Watch. "The concern you sometimes
hear from aircrews is that they don't understand, from
a policy standpoint, where this mission is heading."
Despite the relative lack of US media attention, Southern
Watch has had a profound impact on the Air Force. (A
corresponding mission, Operation Northern Watch, is
headquartered at Incirlik AB, Turkey, and is managed
by European Command. The aircraft of Northern Watch
patrol Iraqi airspace north of the 36th parallel. EUCOM
and CENTCOM coordinate their no-fly operations via
use of a special "hotline" communications
link.)
For one thing, the demands of this decade-long desert
deployment provided major impetus for the Air Force's
decision to reorganize itself into 10 Aerospace Expeditionary
Forces capable of handling regular, extended but temporary
deployments.
The Southern Watch mission contributed significantly
to a breathtaking pace of operations, causing major
readiness problems throughout the Air Force. In May,
an Air Force official said that one-third of Air Force
combat units are now not fully ready for war--largely
as a result of manning and spare parts shortages--the
lowest readiness level in 15 years. To many, a large
part of the problem comes from "the Sandbox."
The Southern Watch requirement for combat-ready forces
has spurred equipment upgrades and modernization in
the Air National Guard and Air Force Reserve Command,
which are now supplying 10 percent of USAF's deployed
Aerospace Expeditionary Forces. In 1999 the Air National
Guard contributed KC-135 tanker aircraft, C-130 airlifters,
an HC-130 refueler aircraft--as well as 17 fighter
aircraft--to Southern and Northern Watch. Under the
new 15-month AEF cycle, the Air Guard will commit over
25,000 airmen.

Workhorse. F-16CJs
armed with HARM missiles play a key role in no-fly
zone enforcement. Here, an F-16CJ from Prince
Sultan AB in Saudi Arabia refuels before returning
to its Southern Watch patrol mission. (USAF photo
by SrA. Greg L. Davis) |
There Is an Upside
The frequent combat engagements and real-world nature
of the Southern Watch mission have contributed to the
rise of a combat-seasoned and experienced Air Force-a
rare development in peacetime.
"You know, for an extended period after Vietnam,
there were a lot of airmen who never even had the opportunity
to drop a live bomb," said Brig. Gen. Hugh C.
Cameron, deputy commander of CENTAF, headquartered
at Shaw AFB, S.C. "Starting with Desert Storm
and working for nearly a decade on Southern Watch,
we now have a lot of combat veterans who have been
shot at and who have put real ordnance on a real target
during real-world missions."
The general went on, "There are tremendous benefits
associated with that experience. I think Southern Watch
was also instrumental in changing the Air Force's view
of how it conducts business. You've seen that in our
efforts to develop an expeditionary mind-set much like
the US Marine Corps."
The southern no-fly zone came into being in 1992 as
a result of United Nations efforts to protect Iraq's
Shiite Muslim minority in the south. The so-called "Marsh
Arabs," who inhabit the delta of the Euphrates
River at the southern end of Iraq, had mounted a postwar
rebellion against Saddam and thus had come under ferocious
Iraqi air attack. The UN agreed to block Iraqi military
flights south of 32 degrees north, and airpower was
the chosen instrument.
Lt. Gen. Michael A. Nelson, then commander of CENTAF,
deployed with his staff to Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, and
took command of Joint Task Force-Southwest Asia, which
ran this operation, soon named Southern Watch. USAF
deployed additional aircraft to bring the number of
aircraft up to 70 and deployed personnel to about 4,000.
Nelson and most of his staff left in November 1992,
but Southern Watch continued.
The Southern Watch zone (the northern boundary was
changed several years ago; it is now 33 degrees north,
which extends to the outskirts of Baghdad) is patrolled
by aircraft from bases in Saudi Arabia and other locations
in Southwest Asia and from US Navy aircraft carriers
in the Persian Gulf. CENTAF deployed an Air Operations
Center to Saudi Arabia to plan and execute daily flight
operations for US aircraft assigned throughout the
area.
Since their inception, the two no-fly missions have
evolved into twin pillars of the US strategy of containing
Saddam Hussein and severely limiting the operational
maneuvering room of his military forces. "The
no-fly zones are a necessary measure to contain Saddam
Hussein's aggression against the people of Iraq and
the region," said Alina L. Romanowski, deputy
assistant secretary of defense for Near Eastern and
South Asian affairs, in testimony before a House committee
last March.
She went on, "Operations Northern and Southern
Watch have ensured that Baghdad is unable to use fixed-wing
aircraft and helicopters against the populations of
northern and southern Iraq, a limitation that sharply
reduces the effectiveness of regime operations. In
addition, Southern Watch also ensures that Iraq cannot
secretly reinforce or strengthen its military forces
in southern Iraq in violation of UN Security Council
Resolution 949."

Aftershock. The
June 1996 bombing of Khobar Towers killed 19,
wounded hundreds, and forever changed the US
profile in Saudi Arabia. USAF moved all units
to the desert air base, and force protection
became high priority. DoD photo by SrA. Sean
Worrell) |
Two Bombings
From the outset, Southern Watch represented a significant
strain on the Air Force. CENTAF commits to the operation
roughly 6,000 airmen and 120 aircraft, the bulk of
them from Air Force units. Soon after the end of the
Gulf War, this large American military presence began
to generate a political backlash among conservative
Muslims in Saudi Arabia. Possibly as a result of an
increase in local political tensions, two terrorist
bombings were launched against the US presence.
On Nov. 13, 1995, a bomb was detonated in Riyadh at
a Saudi National Guard Office used by American trainers.
Killed in the attack were five Americans and two Indians.
Then on June 25, 1996, a massive truck bomb demolished
the Khobar Towers apartment building in Dhahran, killing
19 airmen and wounding 500 other US personnel. The
perpetrators never have been publicly identified or
captured.
US and Saudi officials responded by redeploying most
Air Force and allied personnel to Prince Sultan AB,
a desolate and remote installation located near the
town of Al Kharj, some 60 miles southeast of Riyadh.
According to Air Force officials, the trauma of the
bombing and transfer to Prince Sultan reinforced the
sense among airmen that Southern Watch is a dangerous
mission requiring a completely no-nonsense attitude.
"Thanks to a lot of help from the Saudis in building
new apartments at Prince Sultan, we're now out of our
tents and enjoying facilities that include a PX, dining
facility, gym, and a swimming pool," said Cameron. "That
has greatly improved the quality of life for our forces.
Security is the uppermost consideration, however.
"Our location way out in the desert doesn't lend
itself to people getting off base and touring around," remarked
Cameron. "That atmosphere of an expeditionary
base reinforces an attitude that this is a very serious,
real-world mission. That works against any of our people
getting complacent, whether it's the aircrews or our
security forces."
Southern Watch has been a prototype of the kind of
continuous deployment to expeditionary bases that increasingly
has taxed Air Force personnel and resources.
Air Force men and women assigned to Southern Watch
found themselves separated from their home bases and
families for unpredictable and extended periods each
year. Bases back in the United States were often left
short of required personnel. With so many of the most
experienced pilots and frontline aircraft deployed
to Southwest Asia, home-station training suffered.
Because such deployments were considered temporary
contingencies, it was difficult to bring in reserve
forces that required advanced warning and scheduling
of operations. Smaller units with specialized capabilities
in very high demand for real-world missions-surveillance
and reconnaissance, combat search and rescue, electronic
countermeasures, suppression of enemy air defenses-were
stretched to the breaking point.

Nomads. Tent
cities (such as this one in Doha, Qatar, used
by an AEF in 1996) were early signs that the
Air Force was shedding its garrison-based past
in favor of an expeditionary future. (Staff photo
by Guy Aceto) |
The AEFs In Action
USAF responded by reorganizing its operations to become
an Expeditionary Aerospace Force. Active, Guard, and
Reserve forces were reorganized into 10 deployable
AEFs designed to be employed two at a time for 90 days
over a 15-month rotational cycle. Not surprisingly,
when the first two new AEFs began their cycles on Oct.
1, 1999, AEF 1 was assigned to support Southern Watch.
Central Command officials say that AEF rotation has
helped inject an extra measure of predictability and
cohesion into Southern Watch.
"Besides helping the Air Force to develop a more
expeditionary mind-set, the AEF is building a team
concept into these deployments," said Cameron. "Before,
with base support functions, especially, you had a
lot of individuals coming from different bases. With
the AEF, those people will train together in advance
as a unit, get to know one another, and thus be better
prepared to fall in on a remote location and get on
with business."
However, many deployed forces still must come from
the US-based wings of 9th Air Force. For this reason,
officials claim, manning shortages persist.
"I only have so many civil engineers, military
police, and public affairs people, and when they are
assigned to Southern Watch, I take it out of my hide," Cameron
noted. "Yet the demands at this base don't go
away. The AEF concept has [instilled] a whole new discipline
in how we analyze our manpower requirements for Southern
Watch. We're constantly asking ourselves, how many
people do we really need over there? We know the answer
will have a direct impact on our operations tempo back
at home base."
The forward deployed forces of Southern Watch have
seen their share of action over the past eight years.
For example, on Oct. 14, 1994, a newly assertive Iraq
began moving ground forces toward Kuwait. President
Clinton ordered an immediate response. Within days,
CENTAF's new commander, Lt. Gen. John P. Jumper, and
most of his key staff members had deployed to Riyadh,
where Jumper took command of JTF-SWA.
Soon, at Jumper's direction, the Air Force had embarked
on Operation Vigilant Warrior, which saw the rapid
expansion of CENTAF air assets to more than 170 aircraft
and 6,500 personnel. Iraq soon recalled its troops
and the crisis passed, but the US decided to retain
in the theater some 120 aircraft and 5,000 USAF personnel.
Moreover, in the wake of the crisis, Kuwait for the
first time permitted the Air Force to permanently station
fighter aircraft on its soil. A squadron of A-10 attack
aircraft bedded down at Al Jaber AB in Kuwait City.
Many, in retrospect, have said that Vigilant Warrior
was a precursor to today's AEFs. The concept was taken
up, studied, and refined over the next several years.
In October 1995, as a result of Iraqi threats, Jumper
once more became concerned. Specifically he was worried
about CENTAF's inability to deliver a full complement
of airpower against a Gulf aggressor should there be
no US aircraft carrier on station in the area. (Carriers
did not remain on Gulf station constantly but rotated
in and out several times a year.) In response, Jumper
developed the concept of a squadron-sized AEF which
would be able to deploy to the region on two days'
notice.
Late in 1995 came the first deployment, AEF I, consisting
of 18 aircraft from the 20th and 347th Fighter Wings,
which deployed temporarily to Bahrain. (Roman numerals
were used to designate these early concept AEFs.) In
March 1996, the Air Force deployed to Jordan its AEF
II, consisting of 30 fighters, four tankers, and about
1,000 personnel. Soon, new AEFs were deploying to the
region several times a year.
A Decade in the Desert
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Aug. 2, 1990. Iraqi
forces invade Kuwait, threaten Saudi Arabia.
Aug. 8, 1990. First USAF F-15 fighters
arrive in Saudi Arabia, initiate Desert Shield.
Oct. 31, 1990. USAF force in Gulf
reaches 700 aircraft and 32,000 personnel.
Nov. 8, 1990. President Bush announces
plans to greatly expand US forces and to
use troops to eject Iraqi forces from Kuwait.
Nov. 29, 1990. UN authorizes use of
military force to eject Iraq.
Jan. 17, 1991. Coalition launches
massive USAF-led air campaign against Iraqi
targets in Iraq and Kuwait.
Feb. 28, 1991. Iraqis give up, coalition
suspends operations.
March 1991-August 1992. Desert Calm
redeployment of forces to US. Control of
USAF elements passes to 4404th Wing (Provisional)
at Dhahran, Saudi Arabia.
April 5, 1991. UN authorizes Provide
Comfort to protect Iraqi Kurds from Saddam
Hussein's forces.
Aug. 26, 1992. UN establishes Southern
Watch to protect Shiite Marsh Arabs from
Iraqi air attack.
Dec. 27, 1992. In first serious challenge
to no-fly enforcement, Iraqi MiG-25 radar
locks onto USAF F-16, which quickly shoots
down the Iraqi aircraft.
Oct. 14-Dec. 21, 1994. Vigilant Warrior
increases US air assets to 170 aircraft and
6,500 troops. Iraq ceases threatening moves
toward Kuwait.
October-December 1995. AEF I deployment
of 18 aircraft to Bahrain.
March-June 1996. AEF II deployment
of 30 fighters, four tankers, and 1,200 troops
to Jordan.
June 25, 1996. Bombing of Khobar Towers
kills 19 airmen.
June-October 1996. US redeploys forces
from Dhahran to remote, high-security Prince
Sultan AB at Al Kharj and to Eskan Village
near Riyadh.
August-September 1996. Saddam Hussein
attacks Kurds in northern Iraq. US responds
with Desert Strike-B-52 raids and Navy cruise
missile attacks on targets in southern Iraq.
October 1997-May 1998. Iraq harasses
UN weapons inspectors, threatens to shoot
down USAF reconnaissance aircraft. US deploys
more forces to region.
Dec. 16-19, 1998. Desert Fox, a 70-hour
air campaign, attempts to punish Saddam Hussein
for barring weapon inspectors.
January 1999-July 2000. Increased
Iraqi SAM and anti-aircraft artillery attacks
on coalition aircraft enforcing Southern
Watch. |
Desert Strike
In late 1996, Southern Watch forces became embroiled
in yet another combat action. Saddam Hussein launched
his forces into the UN-protected Provide Comfort zone
in the north, routing Kurdish rebels in the process.
The US responded on Sept. 3, 1996, by launching Operation
Desert Strike. B-52 aircraft and warships in the Gulf
launched a total of 44 cruise missiles at targets in
southern Iraq.
In late 1997, Iraq was harassing UN weapons inspection
teams, banning them from Saddam Hussein's "presidential
palaces" and other sites. As the Clinton Administration
planned a response in early 1998, the question was
whether Air Force units based in Saudi Arabia would
get permission to launch strikes from Saudi soil.
Saudi Arabia had allowed enforcement of the no-fly
zone but was unwilling to let its bases be used for
attacks on Iraqi targets. Kuwait gave its approval,
and other Gulf states offered help. USAF units in those
countries were joined by B-52s sent to Diego Garcia
and naval aircraft aboard a second carrier sent to
the Gulf region.
Evidently, Saudi Arabia was fully prepared to permit
Air Force fighters to strike Iraq from its bases-if
Washington was serious about knocking off Saddam. The
rulers of the kingdom had come to the conclusion that
there would be no serious attack. Saudi concerns were
not without merit. The US for years had tried only
to "contain" Iraqi aggression with "pinprick" strikes,
having no military impact. Indeed, the crisis of early
1998 faded away without the US taking action.
The Iraqi strongman clearly was frustrated at being
kept in his "box" by international sanctions,
weapons inspections, and no-fly operations. Yet he
was determined to continue his clandestine development
program for Weapons of Mass Destruction. As a result,
he expelled all UN weapons inspectors and, when it
was clear the inspectors would not be allowed back
into Iraq, Washington and its allies decided to respond.
In December 1998, the coalition launched Desert Fox,
a desultory, four-day campaign of strikes from the
south against Iraqi targets. DoD officials insisted
the mostly Navy airstrikes set back Iraq's ballistic
missile programs by one to two years, degraded the
infrastructure used to conceal Weapons of Mass Destruction
programs, and reduced the Iraqi regime's ability to
exercise effective command and control over its forces.

Into the Sandbox. Capt.
Bill Peris, F-15 pilot at Kadena AB, Japan, prepares
for a 2000 AEF deployment to Saudi Arabia. The
long deployment has drawn in units from around
the world. (USAF photo by A1C Denise Berdar) |
Belligerent and Militant
The nature of Southern Watch changed dramatically
after Desert Fox, with Saddam Hussein adopting a more
belligerent and militant attitude toward coalition
aircraft.
The Iraqi dictator's behavior leaves little doubt
in the minds of Central Command leaders about the threat
he continues to pose to the region, or the need to
keep him boxed in with Southern and Northern Watch.
Marine Gen. Anthony C. Zinni, CENTCOM commander in
chief, recently told Congress: "Iraq has not forgone
its missile and WMD programs and continues to resist
the reintroduction of United Nations arms inspectors.
... Despite claims that WMD efforts have ceased, Iraq
probably is continuing clandestine nuclear research,
retains stocks of chemical and biological munitions,
and is concealing extended-range Scud missiles, possibly
equipped with [chemical or biological weapons] payloads.
... The Iraqi regime's high regard for WMD and long-range
missiles is our best indicator that a peaceful regime
under Saddam Hussein is unlikely."
There have been near-constant provocations of allied
aircraft enforcing Southern Watch in the wake of Desert
Fox. In the first month, Iraqi committed more than
70 no-fly-zone violations, involving more than 100
Iraqi aircraft, as well as 20 SAM firings at allied
aircraft. Iraq tripled the number of SAM batteries
in southern Iraq. In addition, Saddam Hussein reportedly
has offered a bounty to any member of his forces who
downs an allied aircraft.
"Clearly, he wants to shoot down an American
airplane," Zinni stated at a Pentagon briefing
following Desert Fox. He added that Saddam may want
a Western pilot "to parade in Baghdad."
Zinni continued, "He obviously has not succeeded
in convincing Arab leaders in the region to support
him. They obviously feel that he's been responsible
for everything that's happened. ... He's much more
isolated. [An argument] could be made as to whether
these [provocations] are becoming acts of desperation."
In response to provocations, US operational commanders
in charge of Southern Watch have been given greater
flexibility. They can not only defend their forces
but also target Iraq's entire air defense system.
CENTCOM officials estimate that, since late 1998,
the coalition's aircraft have destroyed some 30 percent
of Iraq's air defense network. In 1999, USAF forces
dropped roughly 1,200 munitions on Iraqi air defense
sites. The combined Southern and Northern Watch Operations,
meanwhile, cost an estimated $1.1 billion annually.
"Our operations in the no-fly zones also provide
other operational military benefits," said DoD's
Romanowski. "Coalition responses have caused a
significant degradation of Iraqi air defense capabilities
in the zones, a development which will minimize the
threat to our forces if more sustained military conflict
in Iraq is ever necessary. Furthermore, our control
over 60 percent of Iraq's airspace permits us to assess
Iraqi military movements and other developments that
might threaten Kuwait or Iraq's other neighbors. Enforcement
of the no-fly zones thus provides us with critical
early warning of any Iraqi aggression toward its neighbors
to the north or the south."
In the meantime, American airmen are left to fly and
fight in a remote hot zone. The unique demands and
limitations in such a mission color every aspect of
Southern Watch operations.
Iraq's state--controlled media contend that the allied
bombings have claimed the lives of 290 Iraqi civilians.
For their part, CENTAF officials point out that pilots
err on the side of caution and will do so again if
Saddam Hussein reverts to his familiar tactic of placing
air defense sites in civilian areas.
"We constantly emphasize to our forces that this
is not World War III but, rather, a UN mission, and
we certainly don't want unwarranted civilian casualties," said
a CENTAF official. "We're very careful to attack
only military targets and avoid civilian casualties,
which is showing more concern for the Iraqi people
than Saddam typically exhibits."
As for Air Force pilots assigned to Southern Watch,
few are complaining-as in past years-that the mission
essentially boils down to "boring holes in the
sky." Said Cameron, "You certainly don't
hear that anymore. Every time our crews go into 'the
Box,' they know there's a pretty good chance they'll
get shot at. That keeps everyone on their toes."
James Kitfield is the defense correspondent for National
Journal in Washington, D.C. His most recent article for
Air Force Magazine, "The
Decline of the Nuclear Stockpile,"appeared
in the February 2000 issue.
Copyright Air Force Association. All rightsreserved.
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