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During World War II, many American high schools showed
an Army Air Corps recruiting film for their male students. "Winning
Your Wings," starring Jimmy Stewart, lured countless
youngsters into the aviation cadet program.
Some 50 years later, the school board of Portland,
Ore., banned the US military from undertaking any recruiting
activities in that city's public schools. Board members
charged that the Pentagon's "don't ask, don't
tell" policy on gays in the military violated
school policy against recruitment by agencies that
discriminate by race, gender, or sexual orientation.
The board recently ruled that school officials could
provide information on military service opportunities,
so long as they also advised students about DOD policy
on homosexuals. The board did not end the ban on recruiting
on campus, however.
Few systems have gone as far as Portland's. Even so,
military recruiters say they meet stiff resistance
in a number of schools nationwide. Thirty-one percent
of US schools deny access in one way or another. Some
withhold student directories. In others, recruiters
say, counselors disparage military service and urge
students not to fill out applications.
Such actions, when they came to Washington's attention,
generated intense Congressional displeasure and sparked
a plan to punish uncooperative schools by cutting their
access to federal funds. Final legislation did not
go that far, but the services hope the new law will
ease the way to contacting students.
In February 2000, the Senate Armed Services Committee's
subcommittee on personnel, then headed by Sen. Tim
Hutchinson (R-Ark.), held hearings on the problem.
SSgt. Reggie Hamilton, a USAF recruiter in Georgia,
told the panel that some schools in his area released
student directories to colleges and potential employers
but not to military recruiters. They were allowed access
only once a semester, Hamilton said, and had to schedule
their visits through the academic counselors.
In some cases, recruiters were allowed to contact
only students who opted to take the Armed Services
Vocational Aptitude Battery, a series of tests used
to measure the subject's potential for various civilian
and military occupations.
The testimony of other recruiters was mixed. One Navy
petty officer working in New Jersey reported few access
problems, noting that his area was heavily populated
with service personnel and was generally more receptive
to the military. In contrast, a Marine in Arizona estimated
that about half the schools in his district denied
recruiters access to student directories.
Invisible Men (and Women)
Several witnesses blamed school resistance on the
fact that the services have become less visible to
the public.
Lt. Gen. Donald L. Peterson, former USAF deputy chief
of staff for personnel, said, "I think that the
propensity to join is down, and I'd say that's certainly
because of the footprint we have around America. We've
reduced our force here by about 40 percent. Our CONUS
bases are down 25 percent; our overseas bases are down
65 percent. We don't have the influencers out there
that we had. If you take the World War II veterans
out, only about six percent of our population has served
in the military. It's not that our young people don't
like the military, don't want to be a part of it. It's
just difficult for them to see it."
Working recruiters gave other explanations.
"The schools are graded on how many of their
kids go off to college," said Hamilton, "so
a lot of the counselors will hold us back from going
in because they're trying to push their kids to go
to schools and colleges."
Several recruiters noted too that their states offered
generous tuition breaks to residents, which tended
to offset the services' traditional attractions of
training and post-service college benefits.
On the Senate floor, Hutchinson said, "In 1999,
there were 4,515 instances of denial of access to the
Army. There were an additional 4,364 instances in the
case of the Navy, 4,884 instances in the case of the
Marine Corps, and 5,465 instances in the case of the
Air Force. ... As of the beginning of 2000, nearly
one-fourth of all high schools nationwide did not release
student directory information to armed forces recruiters."
Incensed, Hutchinson introduced a bill to "deny
federal educational assistance funds to local educational
agencies that deny the Department of Defense access
to secondary school students or directory information
about secondary school students for military recruiting
purposes and for other purposes."
The measure was patterned after a law passed in 1994
that denied funding to uncooperative colleges. That
measure, initiated by Rep. Gerald Solomon (R-N.Y.),
originally applied only to defense funding but later
was expanded to cover money from the Department of
Education and other government agencies.
Several education groups opposed the cutoff in the
Hutchinson bill. The National School Boards Association
said that it recognized the career opportunities the
services offered and would work with DOD to improve
access but opposed cutting off federal funding to public
high schools because it would hurt poor and disabled
students. Other organizations opposed giving the military
access to any schools.
Parts of the Hutchinson bill were enacted in the 2001
National Defense Authorization Act, but the final version
dropped the provision for denying federal funds to
secondary schools. That threat still applies only to
colleges.
William J. Carr, assistant director, recruiting policy,
in the Office of the Undersecretary of Defense for
Personnel and Readiness, explained the distinction. "The
law requires that, if a college denies access, then
it loses grants from a number of federal agencies.
When it comes to secondary education, there is no denial
of funding."
Six Percent
"The Defense Department has been opposed to doing
that in high schools for a couple of reasons. The federal
funding that goes to colleges for grants and contracts
is significant to them. But, if we take the high school,
how much federal funding is provided? The answer is
about six percent," said Carr.
Moreover, that funding is wrapped up in teacher training,
helping disadvantaged students, and providing impact
aid. The view is that cutting off this funding would
do more harm than good.
Other Pentagon officials had worried that threatening
to cut off the funds would only make the situation
more confrontational and pose more problems for recruiters. "That
was one of my biggest concerns," said Carol A.
DiBattiste, former undersecretary of the Air Force
and now a partner in a Washington law firm. "But
I don't think the legislation that passed is forcing
the issue. I think the best approach is just to continually
work the schools so that there is no retaliation against
the recruiters."
Although the threat of cutting off federal funds was
dropped from the final version, the law still provides
for a series of actions by the services.
For starters, the Secretary of the affected armed
service is required to send an officer to visit a school
when it is reported to be denying access. Hutchinson's
original bill called for the messenger to be a general
or flag officer, but the final law specifies it be
at least a colonel (or Navy captain) or "a senior
executive of that military department."
The service has up to 120 days after the initial report
to make the visit. If that doesn't resolve the problem,
the Defense Secretary is to notify the governor of
the state involved and ask for help in obtaining access.
The Secretary has up to 60 days to take that action
and must send a copy of his letter to the Secretary
of Education.
If a school still won't cooperate, the Defense Secretary
is to determine whether it denies access to two or
more services. If so, he is to notify the appropriate
Congressional committees, the Senators from the state
involved, and the representative who represents the
specific district. A formal statement from the Defense
Department said, "The expectation is that each
public official learning of a problem would work with
the offending school to resolve it."
The law does not take effect until July 2002.

3,000 Schools
Meanwhile, DOD has gotten a feel for the extent of
the problem and has begun to build a national database
of problem schools. Under the law, it cannot include
a high school that denies access to only one service.
Nor can it count private secondary schools that have
religious objections to military service or secondary
schools that base their exclusions on a majority-vote
policy of the local governing body.
The Defense Department statement said, "Preliminary
data suggest that between 2,000 and 3,000 secondary
schools nationwide (about 10 to 15 percent of all high
schools) ultimately will be identified ... under the
definitions set forth in current law."
The Pentagon's preliminary list shows that the states
with the highest percentages of schools denying access
are in New England. (See map.) In Connecticut, Rhode
Island, Vermont, Massachusetts, and Maine, 79 to 89
percent of schools have refused access to two or more
services. The same data show, however, that from 41
to 53 percent of the schools in these states deny access
because of governing body policies or religious reasons,
factors which put them beyond the scope of the law.
At the low end of the list, states with five percent
or less of their schools limiting recruiting are Texas,
Indiana, South Dakota, Colorado, and Alaska. Overall,
31 percent of US schools deny access and 15 percent
do so because of governing body policies or for religious
reasons.
Defense officials concede that the new legislation
lacks sufficient bite to force schools to open their
doors, but they hope it will have a beneficial effect
nonetheless. Said Carr, "First, it establishes
that it is national policy to allow recruiters and
students to get together so the students can learn
about the military. Also, the Secretary of Education
wrote to state governors and reinforced the point that
it is in the interests of the education community to
work with the military on this."
The Education Secretary's letter said the department
hopes the governors "will personally underscore
military service as a post-high school option that
merits students' careful consideration."
"We are trying to make it clear that recruiters
are doing noble work and are decent people," said
Carr. "And the more we talk about opportunities
in the military, the more likely it is that educators
would take that story to heart."
Carr agreed with the recruiters who testified before
the Hutchinson subcommittee that many of the high schools
are not so much hostile to the military as ignorant
of what it offers. "Let me talk about influences
by teachers, coaches, and so forth," said Carr. "We
know that there are far fewer military alumni now than
was the case when we were one-third larger. With fewer
people in society with military experience, getting
an accurate description of the military around society
is that much more difficult."
"Boot Camp"
"When we ask young people about the military,
it is surprising how many describe it as being like
boot camp. Certainly that is part of the experience
for a very brief part of a career, but after that,
it is far less regimented. Yet they believe that is
what it is, and there aren't as many influencers as
there were to correct them in that perception."
Carr said he doesn't think that the anti-military
feeling common during the Vietnam War era is behind
the schools' resistance to recruiting.
"I think it is driven more by a concern that
college is really the right way to go and they would
rather limit the interference the military might offer," he
said. "Of course, we counter that by saying, 'Let
the young person make the decision based on what we
can offer them, even if they are motivated toward a
college education. Let us talk about what we have there.' "
Another reason for school resistance: They don't like
to release the students' names and addresses to third
parties.
"There are laws restricting that, and they say,
'I don't want to have people telemarketing, and I'm
afraid the military recruiters might be like that,' " said
Carr. "That's why the letter from the Secretary
of Education was helpful in clarifying that they don't
have a problem there in sharing information with the
military."
Defense officials clearly hope that actions such as
the education secretary's letter, the visits by officers,
and in extreme cases, the pressure from members of
Congress will persuade more schools to cooperate. There
is some evidence that this kind of attention will help.
DiBattiste said, "I traveled to several schools
and talked to administrations and encouraged them.
In the San Diego and Los Angeles areas and in Miami,
San Antonio, and Boston, we asked them not only to
turn over the school lists but give recruiters unlimited
access. We were very successful in those areas."
Active Opposition
Still, there are well-organized groups actively opposed
to giving the military any access to high school students.
These include organizations such as the American Friends
Service Committee's National Youth and Militarism Program,
the Central Committee for Conscientious Objectors,
and the War Resisters League. Most oppose not only
military recruiting of any kind but the presence of
Junior ROTC units on campus. Others are not necessarily
anti-military but object to service policies on gays
or their perceived lack of opportunities for women.
Several such groups carry on active campaigns on the
Internet. When Hutchinson introduced his bill to block
federal funding to uncooperative high schools, Web
sites were filled with complaints that the Pentagon
was seeking an unwarranted advantage. Others charged
that military recruiters already used unfair tactics
with students.
When Congress removed the threat of funding penalties
from the Hutchinson bill, much of the furor died down,
but some groups still oppose any cooperation between
public schools and the services. The Portland recruiting
ban, for example, still has strong support among anti-military
activists. Since it is based on a policy of the local
school board, however, the schools involved apparently
will not come under the new law's requirement that
they be visited by a military official and reported
to Congress for noncompliance.
The Pentagon has launched its own Web site aimed at
parents, teachers, and other mentors to provide more
information about the training and educational opportunities
in service. The individual services also have gone
on the Web with their messages.
In a more direct pitch, the services offer enlistment
bonuses to prospects going into certain specialties.
To counter the argument that enlistment ends a student's
chances for higher education, Air Force recruiters
emphasize the advantages of the Community College of
the Air Force, tuition assistance programs, and the
GI Bill.
Even if they encounter fewer roadblocks in the schools,
recruiters have a tough job selling young people on
service. A major downturn in the nation's economy may
help to reduce the competition from civilian employers,
but it is unlikely to change the minds of young people
whose hearts are set on going to college. Once they
get in the door, recruiters still have to convince
youngsters that military service is not an extended
boot camp experience.
Bruce D. Callander, a regular contributor to Air Force
Magazine, served tours of active duty during World War
II and the Korean War. In 1952, he joined Air Force Times,
serving as editor from 1972 to 1986. His most recent
story for Air Force Magazine, "Total
Force IPs," appeared in the September 2001 issue.
Copyright Air Force Association. All rightsreserved.
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