The way the American
military is organized to fight the nation's wars has
evolved incrementally since World War II, culminating
in the Eisenhower reorganization of 1958 which removed
the military departments from the operational chain
of command.
In the 55 years since passage of the National Security
Act of 1947, establishing the United States Air Force
and creating the modern American national security
establishment, a number of reorganizations have fundamentally
altered the defense establishment.
Ironically, initial reluctance to reorganize centered
on the fear of a "man on horseback," an all-powerful
Secretary of Defense who would ride roughshod over
the military services. As it turned out, the National
Security Act gave insufficient authority to the Secretary
of Defense. Politicians and defense officials for decades
attempted to revise the 1947 act to strengthen the
Secretary of Defense and Joint Chiefs of Staff at the
expense of the services.
A number of these efforts--notably in 1949, 1953,
1958, and 1986--resulted in legislation that led to
centralized authority and creation of a massive defense
bureaucracy. This centralization of authority was primarily
a response to the evolution of nuclear weapons and
to service roles and missions disputes that were seen
as affecting the nation's warfighting capability.
Landmark Reorganization
The pivotal reorganization, championed by President
Dwight D. Eisenhower in his second term, occurred in
1958 when the military departments were removed from
the operational chain of command. Operational direction
would run from the President through the Secretary
of Defense and the Joint Chiefs, to the unified and
specified commands.
This landmark defense reorganization was not unexpected
from a soldier-statesman with an extraordinarily distinguished
military career. It was also true that Eisenhower felt
much more confident of his ability in military affairs
than in the civilian policy arena.
Eisenhower's experience in World War II convinced
him of the absolute necessity of unified command. As
Supreme Allied Commander, he realized it was time to
change the way America fought its wars. The objective,
he said, was to "achieve real unity" and
end, "once and for all, interservice disputes." Unity
of direction was the key, he explained, to victory
in World War II.
His ideas on military organization--a fundamental
concept of the military services as mutually supporting--and
his abhorrence of interservice rivalry or parochialism,
as he frequently called it, can be traced directly
to his war experience. In November 1945, testifying
before Congress about defense unification, Eisenhower
observed: "At one time I was an infantryman, but
I have long since forgotten that fact, under the responsibility
of commanding combined arms. I believe it is honest
to say that I have forgotten that I came originally
from the ground forces, and I believe that my associates
of the Air and of the Navy in that command came to
regard me really as one of their own service rather
than one of the opposite." He emphasized that "competition
is like some of the habits we have--in small amounts
they are very desirable; carried too far they are ruinous."
He was also sensitive to the effect on the economy
of overemphasizing the military aspects of national
security: "We must always retain," he said, " a
strong and solvent economy." Thus, in the immediate
post-World War II period, Eisenhower emphasized the
need "to root out the empire builders [in the
military] with a sledgehammer."

As USAF Chief
of Staff, Gen. Nathan Twining advocated a more
unified defense establishment. Here, he is
sworn in as JCS Chairman in August 1957 by
Eisenhower and Percy Nelson, White House administrative
officer.
Three-Legged Stool
Eisenhower later likened his philosophy of a balanced
military to a three-legged stool: "We have learned
by hard experience that the nation's security establishment
is, in fact, a single fighting team composed of three
services each supplementing the other in proper balance.
No single service can be independently considered."
Gen. Henry H. "Hap" Arnold, commanding general,
Army Air Forces, in his testimony on defense unification,
echoed Eisenhower's view, noting that a basic pattern
emerged from the war: "This pattern is coordinate
organization of the principal forces having their respective
missions in one of the major elements--land, sea, and
air--each under its own commander and each respectively
responsible to a supreme commander, i.e., three coordinate
forces under unified supreme command."
The framework advocated by Eisenhower and Arnold was
created on Dec. 14, 1946, when President Harry S. Truman
signed the Outline Command Plan establishing seven
unified commands. (The Outline Command Plan was the
first of what is now known as the Unified Command Plan.)
The first seven unified commands were Alaskan Command,
Atlantic Command, Caribbean Command, European Command,
Far East Command, Northeast Command, and Pacific Command.
The plan also recognized the existence of Strategic
Air Command, a command of the US Army Air Forces, and
placed it under the responsibility of the JCS. SAC
was the first of what would later be designated specified
commands.
The drive toward defense centralization continued
to pick up momentum. In 1949, amendments to the 1947
National Security Act removed the service Secretaries
from their policy role in the National Security Council.
A reorganization in 1953 further centralized authority
in the Office of the Secretary of Defense,
Ever since adoption of the 1947 act, the Air Force
had favored a more unified defense establishment. In
1956-57, when Sen. W. Stuart Symington (D-Mo.), who
had been the first Secretary of the Air Force, conducted
his airpower hearings--the most comprehensive ever
held on the subject--the Air Force took the position
that a defense reorganization was required. Gen. Nathan
F. Twining, Air Force Chief of Staff, emphasized that
it was a mistake for each service to attempt to attain
self-sufficiency.
The Air Force View
Throughout the 1950s, the Air Force continued to press
for a more unified defense structure. With evolution
of Strategic Air Command as the fulcrum of US defense
policy, air leaders reasoned that a stronger OSD would
institutionalize the Air Force's justifiable domination
of the defense structure.
In October 1957, in the wake of the launch of the
Sputnik satellite by the Soviet Union, critics of the
Eisenhower Administration blamed interservice rivalry
for the lag in US missile and space technology.
In late 1957, a study panel of the Rockefeller Brothers
Fund described three significant defects in the organization
of the Department of Defense:
Roles and missions had become competitive rather than
complementary.
The organization and responsibilities of the Joint
Chiefs precluded development of a comprehensive and
coherent defense doctrine.
The Secretary of Defense spent too much time arbitrating
interservice disputes and could not contribute significantly
to evolving military policy.
The Rockefeller panel recommended that the military
departments be removed from the chain of operational
command and instead support the unified commands. It
proposed that "all operational military forces
of the US should be organized into unified commands
to perform missions dictated by strategic requirements.
The units assigned to each unified commander should
be organic to his command not simply placed under his
temporary operational control."
In early January 1958, President Eisenhower, in his
State of the Union address, emphasized the need for
a shakeup in defense organization. In late January,
the Senate preparedness investigating subcommittee
recommended action "to reorganize the structure
of the defense establishment" and to "accelerate
and expand research and development."
Consequently, Secretary of Defense Neil H. McElroy
appointed a group to draft reorganization legislation
and, based on its report, Eisenhower on April 3, 1958,
asked Congress to deploy troops into truly unified
commands and to eliminate separate ground, sea, and
air warfare forever.
The President emphasized that future wars would be
waged "in all elements, with all services, as
one single concentrated effort. ... Strategic and tactical
planning must be completely unified, combat forces
organized into unified commands, each equipped with
the most efficient weapons systems that science can
develop, singly led and prepared to fight as one, regardless
of service." He expected the unified command "to
go far toward realigning our operational plans, weapon
systems, and force levels." The nation required,
he said, "maximum security at minimum cost," a
constant refrain of Eisenhower's since World War II.
Congress incorporated most of Eisenhower's recommendations
in the Department of Defense Reorganization Act of
1958. This legislation marked a turning point in American
military organization by removing the military departments
and their service Secretaries from the operational
chain of command.

Defense Secretary
Neil McElroy, here with service heads Army
Gen. L.L. Lemnitzer, Adm. Arleigh Burke, and
USAF Gen. Thomas White and the NORAD commander,
Gen. Earle Partridge, drafted the 1958 defense
reorganization plan.
The New Warrior Chiefs
The 1958 act stipulated that operational command would
be directed from the President to the Secretary of
Defense through the Joint Chiefs (as an advisory conduit)
and then to the unified and specified commands. The
JCS would provide a channel of communications from
the Secretary of Defense to the unified and specified
commands. The law gave unified and specified commanders
control and direction of US combatant forces.
The so-called nonoperational chain of command or responsibility
for preparing and supporting forces remained with the
military departments. The act greatly strengthened
the powers of the Secretary of Defense, granting him
direction, authority, and control over the Department
of Defense and the military services. It repealed the
previous legislative authority for the service Chiefs
to command their respective services. The National
Security Act of 1947 described "three military
departments separately administered," as opposed
to the 1958 act which described a "Department
of Defense, including three military departments, to
be separately organized."
In addition, the 1958 legislation granted control
and direction of military research and development
to the Secretary of Defense and created a director
of defense research and engineering. The Secretary
of Defense was also authorized to establish agencies
to conduct any service or supply function common to
two or more services.
In sum, although the 1958 reorganization act left
the military departments intact, it centralized power
in the Office of the Secretary of Defense and gave
the Secretary more responsibility to craft strategy
in concert with the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The service
Secretaries and Chiefs could still present recommendations
to Congress.
From the Air Force's perspective, the legislation
failed to achieve the control of combat forces desired
by Eisenhower. "The top military body," emphasized
Gen. Thomas D. White, Air Force Chief of Staff at the
time, "was still shot through with interservice
rivalry." According to White, there was "no
more agreement in the JCS" than before the reorganization.
Although the law "was a pretty good step," White
believed that legislation by itself could not resolve
interservice rivalry.
However, the war in Southeast Asia increased the pressure
to strengthen the role of the combatant commanders.
In early 1982, prior to his retirement as JCS Chairman,
Air Force Gen. David C. Jones testified before the
House Armed Services Committee, stating that commanders
of the combatant commands and the position of Chairman
of the Joint Chiefs needed to be given more authority
and responsibility. He pointed out that since the 1958
reorganization, the only important change within the
defense department had been in 1978 when the Marine
Corps Commandant received full-fledged status on the
Joint Chiefs of Staff.
In Jones's view, it was absolutely essential to construct "a
joint staff and a joint system that were not beholden
to the services." He observed that "we need
to spend more time on our warfighting capabilities
and less on intramural squabbles for resources."
In early 1985, a study conducted under the auspices
of Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International
Studies argued "for a sweeping restructuring of
the American military operation." It described
the military structure as "stagnated" and
rife with interservice rivalries.
Participants in this study included Rep. Les Aspin
(D-Wis.), the new chairman of the House Armed Services
Committee and later a Secretary of Defense under President
Clinton; Sen. Sam Nunn (D-Ga.); Sen. William S. Cohen
(R-Maine), also later a Clinton Secretary of Defense;
and Sen. Barry Goldwater (R-Ariz.), chairman of the
Senate Armed Services Committee.
The Navy opposed restructuring, with Secretary of
the Navy John F. Lehman Jr. commenting that these proposed
reforms "would centralize too much power in Washington
and diminish civilian control."

Before he retired
as JCS Chairman in June 1982, USAF Gen. David
Jones, here talking with Sen. Barry Goldwater,
told Congress that the military must spend
more time on warfighting capabilities and less
on intramural squabbles.
Toward the Eisenhower Vision
The drive for reform picked up more steam in October
1985 when the Senate Armed Services Committee issued
another study recommending that the Joint Chiefs be
replaced with a military advisory council, that OSD
be strengthened, and that more responsibility be given
to the unified commanders. This Senate study concluded
that the position of the Secretary of Defense was weaker "today
than when it was created by President Truman in 1947."
Congress then reached a final compromise resulting
in the Goldwater-Nichols Department of Defense Reorganization
Act of 1986, signed into law by President Reagan. Nunn,
one of the major architects of the legislation, declared
that it provided the country the kind of unified structure
that Eisenhower had had in mind for the 1958 reorganization.
The Goldwater-Nichols legislation gave more power
to the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs and to the unified
commanders. It designated the JCS Chairman as the principal
military advisor to the President. Thus, the JCS Chairman
now assumed the advisory role that the corporate Joint
Chiefs had maintained since 1958. The law also stipulated
that communications between the President and Secretary
of Defense and the heads of the unified and specified
commands could be channeled through the Chairman.
The Joint Chiefs and individually each service Chief
remained outside the operational chain of command.
The legislation also stipulated that the JCS Chairman
would perform reviews of the unified and specified
commands and submit a report on roles and missions
of the services every three years.
The act contained two other major provisions. It made
the Secretary of Defense responsible for strategic
and logistical planning and budget requests. And, it
created a four-star vice chairman of the JCS, a position
to be manned from a service other than that of the
Chairman.
Air Force Gen. Robert T. Herres was the first officer
to occupy the position of vice chairman of the JCS.
He described the objective of Goldwater-Nichols to
be "less talk of so-called roles and missions
of the services and more meaningful, aggressive action
to support the combat commanders."
Herres stressed that the architects of the law believed "service
interests" had been "served at the expense
of joint responsibilities" and "resource
managers held excessive influence at the expense of
warfighters."
It had taken 28 years to reach Goldwater-Nichols.
Since then, additional reports have focused on strengthening
America's warfighting capability, emphasizing ways
to field a fighting force not constrained by parochialism.
The end of the Cold War and the startling events of
the past decade have once again turned the spotlight
on how best to organize the nation's military to meet
the difficult challenges ahead.
Herman S. Wolk is senior historian in the Air Force
History Support Office. He is the author of The
Struggle for Air Force Independence, 1943-1947 (1997),
and a coauthor of Winged Shield, Winged Sword: A
History of the United States Air Force (1997).
His most recent article for Air Force Magazine, "Pantelleria,
1943," appeared in the June 2002 issue.