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Technology is finally catching
up with the predictions of early airpower theorists,
and the US Air Force is rapidly becoming--if it has not
already become--the unique "enabler" of virtually
any military campaign by the United States, according
to Gen. Ronald R. Fogleman, the Air Force Chief of Staff.
In a series of interviews with Air Force Magazine, and in recent speeches,
General Fogleman has described the Air Force as the key needed to obtain entry
into practically any theater of operations and the weapon of choice in dealing
with most of the no-notice, come-as-you-are conflicts and crises the US is likely
to face in the future.
In the array of military capabilities available to the US, the Air Force has
become the First Force.
General Fogleman's views, and the realities underpinning them, are likely to
have a significant impact on the upcoming national strategy review and debate,
likely to begin in earnest next spring. The review will explore the question
of whether the existing strategy of being able to fight two nearly simultaneous
major regional conflicts (MRCs) is sound and whether it is possible to carry
it out with the current force structure.
The Chief outlined why, in his opinion, debate over the so-called "four
air forces" issue has been put to rest. Further, he described the Air Force's
increasing reliance on bombers to carry out national strategy, the evolving role
of aircraft carriers and air expeditionary forces, the rising importance of unmanned
aerial vehicles, and the potential for directed-energy weapons to revolutionize
warfare.
Oversell
Early proponents of airpower, such as Billy Mitchell and Giulio Douhet, "promised
more than they could deliver," remarked General Fogleman. "The technology
really wasn't there to fulfill the vision" of a force aloft that could dominate
the battlefield and decide most of what happened on the surface below.
However, the advent of nuclear weapons and, later, the emergence of stealth technology,
precision conventional weapons, and a global reconnaissance capability, have
had a dramatic impact. The vision of an Air Force that is first among equals
in both security and power projection is "really starting to come of age," the
General said.
"I sincerely believe that the inherent characteristics of airpower will
make it the weapon of choice by the national command authorities, as we get deeper
and deeper into this transition from the Cold War" into whatever follows,
he asserted.
The General went on, "Early in a conflict--with our range, our speed, our
flexibility, our maneuverability, our lethality--airmen will normally be first
engaged. They will get there first; they will be in a position to set the battlefield
while other forces are employing."
Only after air dominance has been achieved--to enable safe transit for airborne
and seaborne forces into the theater--will it even be possible for a regional
commander in chief to make the transition to a naval or land strategy, said General
Fogleman. Only then could a CINC reapportion forces so that the Air Force might
serve a supporting role to a land or maritime strategy.
"People need to understand that the American way of war has changed," General
Fogleman said.
In a speech at an airpower doctrine seminar at USAF's Air War College at Maxwell
AFB, Ala., in April, General Fogleman noted that US military leaders who conducted
Operation Desert Storm in 1991 had reached a critical conclusion. "We discovered," he
said, "that conventional air operations could not only support a ground
scheme of maneuver but also directly achieve operational- and strategic-level
objectives--independent of ground forces or even with ground forces in support."
He said airpower "has fundamentally changed the nature of warfare, but our
joint and combined doctrine has not caught up with this development."
The General took pains to make clear that he rejects the idea that the Air Force
can win wars by itself, a charge often leveled at the Air Force with little supporting
evidence.
"Don't misunderstand me," he told his audience. "I'm not claiming
we have all the answers or can go it alone. That's certainly not the case." Rather,
said the General, USAF must "ensure that our doctrine provides us the tools
necessary to orchestrate airpower in conjunction with other component operations,
because this produces tremendous synergistic effects." The capabilities
of the Air Force must always be employed "to accomplish the objectives of
the joint force commander--the commander in the field," he said.
More Equal Than Others
But he also said that, in his last six years of joint assignments, "one
of the fundamental truths I've discovered is that joint warfare is not necessarily
an equal-opportunity enterprise."
The General described the 1991 Gulf War--which set new standards for speed of
success and minimal casualties--not as a "template" for how all future
wars will be waged but rather as "a proving ground" for the modern
capabilities of airpower. The air campaign--including the airborne sensors that
provided superior knowledge of enemy movements--was a decisive demonstration "that
the technology has caught up with the vision," General Fogleman said. "The
capability has been proven."
The Gulf War was also an example "of what airpower can do when you have
an enlightened commander in chief," the General told Air Force Magazine.
He said Gen. H. Norman Schwarzkopf, the overall commander of coalition forces
in the Gulf, "was under a lot of pressure to kick off the land campaign
early, . . . [but] he understood that with his airpower, . . . landbased [and]
seabased, he had a tool [with which] he could be working on the other guy's center
of gravity while he was building up his land forces." This, in turn, "took
away the requirement to engage in some kind of bloody frontal assault."
The General also asserted that airpower gives the national command authorities
an option to take swift action in an unanticipated crisis where other means of
force, whether land- or seabased, are too far out of position to affect unfolding
events in a timely fashion.
Asked to predict whether the next strategy review would revisit the issue of
why the US needs "four air forces," General Fogleman said he feels
the nation is beyond that.
"That [argument] is kind of on the fringe," said the General. "You
don't see a lot of that anymore." He said that the 1992 national military
strategy overhaul, along with two subsequent roles and missions reviews, clearly
indicated that the air arms of the other services are "an augmentation to
their service" and are complementary to each other and to the role served
by the Air Force.
Comparisons, however, simply underline the fact that the US must have a single
service dedicated to the air and space mission, he said. "You absolutely
need a full-capability, . . . full-service Air Force."
"Within the United States Navy," he explained, aviation "is just
a portion of what they focus on. Within the United States Army, you have an air
arm. It is just a portion of what they focus on. What you discover is, institutions
that do not focus entirely on a subject . . . tend to give it less than full
attention."
He noted that the principal engines of victory in the Gulf War--space systems,
stealth, precision guided munitions, air-superiority aircraft--were all the product
of years of effort by the Air Force.
Full Time
USAF is "the only Air Force that focuses on air- and spacepower . . . [science
and technology], research and development, testing, fielding, sustainment--across
the board--as a primary focus," General Fogleman said. "This
isn't a part-time job. Part of my force isn't focused on something else; we are
focused on aerospace matters."
The General added that, now that the US is principally joined to the rest of
the world not by land or sea routes but by air and space links, it is an aerospace
nation. "And if you have an aerospace nation, it needs a full-time Air Force
that pays attention to the full spectrum, . . . that is focused solely on aerospace
needs."
Without such focus, the Gulf War might well have turned out differently, the
General said. "I'm not sure that in a service that just pays
part-time attention to airpower and aerospace weapons, that [such technologies
as stealth and precision munitions] would have evolved," he said.
Naval aviation had been optimized for fleet defense and combat in littoral regions,
not for long-range precision attack. Army aviation has evolved into a movement,
fire support, and scout function.
The performance of airpower in the Gulf and since has shown "the value that
comes from having airmen in charge of aerospace," the General observed.
The Air Force's capabilities have grown even more formidable since Desert Storm,
General Fogleman pointed out. "An awful lot of improvements occurred just
within the last five years," he said.
Synthetic aperture radar, which makes it possible to see through clouds, and
Global Positioning System capability, which gives both platforms and weapons
precise location information, have been widely disseminated throughout the force.
In addition, laser-guided bombs have become more accurate, reconnaissance has
become faster and more comprehensive, and "our aircrews have become better--better
trained" and more highly disciplined, General Fogleman said.
He scoffed at naysayers who have insisted that the Gulf War was an aberration
and that the performance of airpower there can't be duplicated elsewhere. Their
argument, he said, was that the desert was an ideal and uniquely airpower-friendly
battlefield: cold at night--making warm targets stand out--and lacking in the
mountains and foliage that can hide the enemy.
Balkan Storm
General Fogleman pointed out that in the Balkans--an area characterized by mountainous
terrain, dense forests, and extremely poor weather--the use of airpower against
Bosnian Serb forces in August and September 1995 convinced the breakaway aggressors
to fold their hand and come to the peace table at Dayton, Ohio.
"What you saw in Bosnia was a demonstration [of the proposition] that, if
somebody draws up a set of political objectives, allows airmen to look at those,
and has an airman tell you whether or not you are likely to achieve that outcome,
and then turns it over to airmen--as they did--to prosecute that campaign, [then]
airpower's got a tremendous opportunity, generally, to influence events."
In a future conflict--even a present-day war--the Air Force will be able to start
conducting operations immediately, from the continental United States, without
having to get ships into position or relying on costly cruise missiles, which
the General said present a poor option for carrying out an extended campaign.
Whether the weapons are air- or sea-launched, "we need to understand . .
. the role of cruise missiles," General Fogleman said. It comes down to
how much it costs "every time you send one of those things out a tube. And
if you're talking about $1.2 [million] to $1.7 million a shot, you're talking
about a weapon that's pretty good at getting some guy's attention, but you're
not going to sustain an air campaign . . . at that price." Even the formidable
economic power of the United States would be "run into the ground" at
such a rate.
It was for precisely this reason that the Triservice Standoff Attack Missile
had to be canceled: too expensive to use in quantity. The successor system--the
Joint Air-to-Surface Standoff Missile--has been structured to make affordability
a paramount factor. The JASSM is now targeted to come in for less than $400,000
per missile.
"It's not just the lethality of the weapon, but it's the practicality of
being able to use it," the General said.
He went on, "If we get ourselves engaged in a serious campaign, landbased
air is what does the heavy lifting. It's sustainable, and it brings a kind of
lethality and punch that you don't get" from surgical strikes with cruise
missiles. He noted the price differential between a million-dollar missile and
a $16,000 Joint Direct Attack Munition--soon to be the Air Force's standard bomb--both
of which will deliver a 2,000-pound warhead with the same high precision.
Arsenal Ship
Because of this, he holds little esteem for the so-called arsenal ship concept
forwarded by the Navy over the last year. The arsenal ship, postulated as a stealthy
surface vessel crewed by a relatively few sailors, would pack a magazine of cruise
missiles and lay off a coast. Such a vessel would have to be built in large numbers
to cover the potential range of trouble spots.
Even if sparsely crewed--saving the high cost of personnel--such ships would
be expensive to build, wouldn't always be in the right place when needed, and
would be expensive to operate.
The unpredictability of both the near- and long-term political situation is "going
to increase the importance . . . of the conventional bomber force," General
Fogleman asserted. The bomber's ability to react within hours--from the continental
United States--to any crisis, armed with advanced weapons that can do great precision
damage on a single pass, has already become the linchpin of national strategy.
Under the two-MRC strategy, bombers will begin crippling an enemy as other forces
arrive in-theater. Once other forces have picked up the bulk of the air campaign,
bombers will be available to "swing" to a second crisis, buying time
for deployment to the second theater.
"Early in the fight . . . landbased air is all you're going to have available," the
General noted. "You may be lucky, and there may be a carrier in the area.
But landbased air does the heavy lifting. And so we've got to posture ourselves
to make sure that landbased air has the capability to do the heavy lifting. And
that's everything from buying the aircraft [and] the weapons that go on the aircraft
to the support system to bed them down in forward bases, or semiforward bases,
or operate them from the continental United States if we have to."
Asked why the Air Force doesn't beef up the bomber force, if it will be carrying
such a critical part of national strategy, General Fogleman bristled. "We
are, in fact, doing this," he said. "This is a point people fail to
realize."
From 1994 to 1996, the Air Force requested no fighter aircraft, he noted, choosing
instead to put $2.7 billion into the upgrading of the bomber force, and putting "money
in the budget to buy the latest generation of precision munitions" that
will make them more potent. "So that tradeoff's already been made," he
said.
"Better . . . Than
I Thought"
The General acknowledged that "clearly, [the Air Force does] not have the
number of bombers called for in the [1993] Bottom-Up Review" of defense,
but he said advances in precision weapons and particularly the capabilities of
the B-2 bomber "have encouraged me to believe that we . . . may be in better
shape than I thought."
He noted that, after upgrades are completed at the turn of the century, there
will be twenty-one B-2s, ninety-five B-1Bs, and seventy-one B-52s, for a bomber
force of 187 airplanes, of which "in excess of a hundred . . . will be deployable," meaning
they will be immediately ready for combat operations. The B-52 element was to
have numbered fifty-five to sixty-six, but the final size of the force increased "because
we've gone back and determined that sixty-six is not enough" to execute
the mission, he said.
The issue of whether to buy more B-2s has been a sticking point between the Air
Force and critics, but General Fogleman remains firm that the twenty-one will
be adequate.
"It comes down to . . . how many B-2s do I really need?" he said. With
each B-2 able to "strike sixteen aimpoints in one pass, with a high degree
of assurance that I'm going to kill the target," and with a high likelihood
of recovering the airplane, the B-2 program, he feels, is sized correctly.
With the B-2, the F-117, and the F-22, the Air Force will have a monopoly on
US operational stealth aircraft for at least the next fifteen years. The Navy's
first stealthy aircraft--the Joint Strike Fighter--won't be in service until
at least 2011. General Fogleman was asked if, until then, USAF would need to
do preliminary work before Navy aircraft could strike at a well-defended target.
"That's the way the air picture is going to unfold, in my view," the
General said.
He explained that the Navy's projected carrier deckfiller--the F/A-18E/F--"was
not the aircraft of choice for the Navy" to fulfill the carrier strike mission.
Rather, the Navy had pinned high hopes on the stealthy A-12 attack plane, which
was canceled in 1991 when high cost, technical problems, and delays put the program
on a downward spiral.
"When the A-12 system went down the tubes, and their A-6 [attack aircraft]
upgrade went down the tubes, and everything else that they had on the books in
their tacair program went down the tubes, they were faced with a situation where
they needed aircraft on carriers," the General said. While the F/A-18 "was
a good airplane, it had some limitations" in range, payload, turning ability
and "bring back"--the ability to recover on a carrier without jettisoning
expensive unused ordnance.
The Navy therefore had to upgrade the F/A-18 into a larger, more versatile--but
multirole--platform for fleet defense, strike, and other missions. While it has
some reduction in radar cross section over its predecessor, the C/D model, the
F/A-18E/F is not considered a stealthy airplane.
"Marginal"
Indeed, the General Accounting Office recently said that since the F/A-18E/F
is far more costly than the F/A-18C/D--but only a "marginal" improvement
over it--a continued C/D buy, until the arrival of the Joint Strike Fighter in
2011, would be most cost-effective.
"I think [the Navy has] bought [itself] a situation where, in the not-too-distant
future, where you're facing double-digit [surface-to-air missiles] and an environment
that is . . . changed from what we have today, that [they] will have greater
and greater difficulty" making successful penetrations of modern air defense
nets, the General asserted.
"I understand how they got to where they are," he added, "and
I think they have to be honest with themselves about what the capability of [the
F/A-18E/F] is. And I hope that just the fact that they don't have stealth doesn't
drive them to the point of putting their head in the sand and ignoring the value
of stealth."
Penetrating enemy air defenses with nonstealthy platforms will still be possible
but only with extensive jamming, preparation by numerous standoff weapons, and
other measures not needed by stealth airplanes.
General Fogleman is heartened by the Navy's commitment to buy the Joint Strike
Fighter, but in the meantime, "the baggage associated with nonstealth operations
in the twenty-first century is going to break the bank if they don't watch it," he
warned.
He confessed to being nettled by a Navy white paper that made the rounds in the
spring, touting the F/A-18E/F as a world-beater through 2015 and even putting
the new Hornet roughly on a par with the Air Force's stealthy, supercruising
F-22. General Fogleman saw the paper as an attempt to undermine the F-22 and
regretted that it seemed to signal the end of what had been a cooperative understanding
with the late Adm. Jeremy M. Boorda, Chief of Naval Operations.
"He and I understood that in this . . . tacair modernization plan, those
F/A-18s are designed to do a multirole kind of thing; they're not designed to
do what an F-22 does. And the F-22 is critical to be able to conduct surface
warfare, I'm convinced."
The paper was "sloppy work, at best," the General said. "I cannot
understand why Navy aviators put up with that."
General Fogleman does not see aircraft carriers as obsolete. "Maritime forces
are ideal for some expeditionary kinds of things," he said. Aircraft carriers
give you "the ability to sail into a littoral region and not have to worry
about diplomatic clearance or beddown approval." The recent crisis during
Taiwan's elections, for example, was "an ideal use" of aircraft carriers,
the General said.
"It's not likely that we were going to put forces in Taiwan--that's too
inflammatory," he noted. But the presence of carriers sent a message that
was understood in Beijing.
When You Get Serious
. . .
Nevertheless, if the US had gotten into a serious scrape with China, "we
would have had to have bombers moved into the western Pacific. . . . You're not
going to take on China with a couple of aircraft carriers; . . . you're going
to get serious."
General Fogleman said he fully expects that the air expeditionary force (AEF)--put
to use several times this year--will substitute for aircraft carriers in certain
situations.
An AEF is a combined force of fighters, tankers, attack airplanes, and other
types of aircraft that deploy overseas for a limited time to provide presence
and conduct operations. Tied to the AEF is a force of bombers in the US that
will be available to it if needed. It is intended to be able to respond within
hours to a sudden call to deploy.
The AEF "was not designed to provide a tool for people to make an argument
that we ought to have fewer than ten carriers," General Fogleman explained.
Instead, the AEF was created because "in a world in which we're all going
to have less resources, we've got to find a way to satisfy" US global commitments. "You
don't need an aircraft carrier in all parts of the world if there's some
other service that's got the ability" to provide a comparable force. "There's
more than one way to do these chores. Nobody ought to feel threatened by that."
However, "you cannot depend on--nor can this nation afford to build--the
number of carrier task forces or Marine expeditionary groups . . . to cover all
the places in the world we may have to be," the General stated.
The AEF has been requested and provided on three occasions so far--in Bahrain,
Jordan, and Qatar--and General Fogleman expects that regional commanders in chief
will "begin to rely on it." All three AEFs have contributed to Operation
Southern Watch operations over Iraq.
General Fogleman envisions having one AEF "at the ready" in CONUS while
one is deployed in the field, "as the norm." Two AEFs in the field
and one on call would be the maximum available "to keep a reasonable [operations
tempo]."
Though the AEFs may increase personnel tempo rates, optempo will probably be
the same with or without AEFs, the General said.
"These airplanes are going to fly whether at home station or . . . somewhere
else."
An AEF "can generate a tremendous number of sorties--far more sorties than
a carrier can generate," the General continued. "And it can do it over
a longer period of time, without ever having to go into port or replenish." In
addition, unlike a carrier, AEFs can be tailored.
"If it requires a relatively small package, we can [deliver] a small package.
If it requires a bigger package, we can do a bigger package. But in each one
. . . we have insisted that it be a balanced force," with bombers "on
a string" back in CONUS, tied to the AEF.
As soon as the AEF activates and starts to move, bomber crews associated with
it will begin mission planning and evaluating potential threats in the area where
the AEF is headed. Once one is selected and ordered to deploy--always quicker
than "the normal, deliberative schedules," the General said--another
group of units will be activated for alert as the next AEF.
Though he would like to see the composite wing at Mountain Home AFB, Idaho, be
the designated AEF, logistics and other problems have postponed that notion.
However, the Air Combat Command staff "is back . . . working that," and
it may yet happen, the General noted.
Going Unmanned
General Fogleman has increased emphasis on the use of unmanned aerial vehicles
(UAVs). Even so, the handwriting is not yet on the wall for the pilot, he said. "You're
going to see a requirement for pilots into the foreseeable future."
However, he acknowledged that UAVs will start taking over some of the missions
that pilots have traditionally been asked to do. "I think the first one
of those will be in the surveillance, reconnaissance, and intelligence-gathering
arena."
General Fogleman believes, for example, that sometime before the end of the next
decade, the U-2 mission will be supplanted by the Tier III Minus/Tier II Plus
UAVs. The absence of a pilot and life-support systems aboard allows increased
range, higher altitude, and longer loiter time--big pluses in the reconnaissance
business.
He noted that the crash of the DarkStar UAV at Edwards AFB, Calif., last spring
demonstrated "that we have a little ways to go" before autonomous UAVs
are fully reliable. Putting a "surrogate brain" into an aircraft "is
not going to come cheaply or easily," he said, but he believes the technology
will come.
After reconnaissance, he continued, the next area that starts to make sense as
a UAV mission is an "unmanned attack airplane of some sort." Such an
aircraft would be able to carry a lethal payload over a long distance and deliver
it with precision.
"What you're looking for there is the optimum mix in a truck-like vehicle," but
which would "leverage the tens of thousands of cheap Joint Direct Attack
Munitions that we're going to have in the inventory" in the early twenty-first
century, "without putting a man at risk."
The General speculated that the Block 50 version of the Joint Strike Fighter,
due to make an appearance around 2020, "may very well be an unmanned aircraft
of some type."
He has concluded that directed energy--and specifically the Airborne Laser system
now being developed by two Air Force contractor teams--is a technology that will
yield huge dividends. "The Airborne Laser is going to be to directed-energy
weapons what the F-117 was to stealth and precision munitions," he said
flatly.
The Airborne Laser, mounted in a 747-400 airframe and able to shoot down ballistic
missiles in the boost phase, will, the General believes, become one of those
capabilities like AWACS or E-8 Joint Surveillance and Target Attack Radar System
aircraft that are always in demand by regional CINCs.
The Air Force has few allies in its pursuit of the technology, and for the near
term, "we're just going to have to suck it up" and fund it alone, he
said. However, "we have a conviction and vision to follow through with this
program, and when it is a great success, everyone will want to be part of it."
Prospects for major crises in the decades to come led General Fogleman to launch
long-range planning initiatives, instructing his futurists to postulate an Air
Force with "about the same, less, or much more" funding. The initiatives
include "New World Vistas," as well as "Air Force 2025"--an "alternative
futures" study being conducted by Air University--and a Rand Corp. study
on force structure. These efforts will be brought together and used as a blueprint
to plan Air Force spending and any adjustments necessary in the upcoming strategy
review.
For instance, the Air Force is reexamining what "balance" of Guard
and Reserve units to active-duty forces will be right in the future.
"I'm not sure that we have the right mix," General Fogleman noted. "Put
another way, I am not convinced that we might not be able to put more of our
fighter force into the Guard and Reserve." He suggested that the twenty
tactical fighter wings might be evenly split into ten active and ten Guard/Reserve,
from the thirteen and seven, respectively, that they now fill.
"But we will only be able to do that if our peacetime optempo experience
allows us to," he added. "The fighter force structure may well be driven
more by peacetime optempo than . . . by wartime requirements."
He added that there will be pressure to reduce the number of tactical fighter
wings because of the greater per-plane capability that will be available in the
F-22 and Joint Strike Fighter.
"I can't argue against that, other than [to say] there's some absolute minimum
number that allows you to do the things you're tasked to do, day in and day out.
We've got to work hard to understand what that number is."
The General said he's still trying to decide how the long-range planning effort
will be institutionalized in the Air Force so that the work does not have to
be repeated every five years or so. He is considering various approaches. "It's
something that's going to be dynamic," he said. "The way the world's
moving, there may be something that's embedded in [the studies] that doesn't
look nearly as promising as something else this year, but next year, it may suddenly
leap to the fore."
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